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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 8:56:24 pm

Man gets death for minor’s rape, murder

Mumbai | Nashik: A Nashik Special Fast Track Court has awarded the death sentence to a 25-year old man who was convicted last week for luring a 4-year-old girl with a chocolate, kidnapping, raping and murdering her, here on Friday. Terming the case as the ‘rarest of rare’ crimes, the Special Judge K. D. Paldewar – who had found Vijay Sanjay Khairnar guilty of kidnap, sexual assault and murdering the child on Sep. 30 but reserved the verdict after the final arguments on Oct. 7 – pronounced the...

Man gets death for minor’s rape, murder

Mumbai | Nashik: A Nashik Special Fast Track Court has awarded the death sentence to a 25-year old man who was convicted last week for luring a 4-year-old girl with a chocolate, kidnapping, raping and murdering her, here on Friday. Terming the case as the ‘rarest of rare’ crimes, the Special Judge K. D. Paldewar – who had found Vijay Sanjay Khairnar guilty of kidnap, sexual assault and murdering the child on Sep. 30 but reserved the verdict after the final arguments on Oct. 7 – pronounced the capital punishment today. He also slapped a fine of Rs 10 lakhs as compensation to the victim’s family, hailing from Dongrale village before a packed courtroom where the villagers, the victim’s family and others were present. Emerging from the courtroom after the verdict, Special Public Prosecutor Ujjwal Nikam told the media that “the Court had considered the gravity of the crime and the circumstantial evidence establishing Khairnar’s involvement” while deciding the sentence. The Court did not take into account the convict’s poverty – he was a daily wager – or illiteracy as grounds for leniency, added the ace criminal lawyer. It was on Nov. 16, 2025 in Dongrale village of Malegaon taluka when Khairnar lured the little girl on the promise of giving her a chocolate and took her to a desolate spot to carry out his devious plans. Betraying the trust of the child who used to call him ‘dada’ (elder brother) due to their acquaintance, Khairnar sexually assaulted her, killed her and abandoned her before decamping from there. A few hours later, the child’s body was found dumped in a nullah and the police were summoned. As details of the gruesome crime tumbled out and spread, it ignited widespread public outrage all over the state. The police swung into action, formed several probe teams and managed to track down Khairnar from his hideout within a few hours. Considering the sensitivity of the crime, the strong emotions plus the mass furore it created, the state government assigned the case to a fast-track court, assigned Nikam as the SPP and the matter was heard speedily. The SPP aggressively led the prosecution, arguing in the court that in view of the gravity of the crime, the circumstances leading to it and other aspects, it warranted the severest punishment – death – for Khairnar, irrespective of his age or financial status. The Dongrale villagers stood in solidarity with the victim’s family and they raised a chorus for quick investigations, an expeditious trial and slapping the death penalty on the convict to serve as a strong deterrent to potential offenders. As per the Indian law, the trial court’s verdict will now go to the Bombay High Court for confirmation. Political leaders from different parties hailed the court verdict and said “justice has finally been done to the victim’s family”.

Dhaka’s Dangerous Drift

May 25, 2025
3 min read

Muhammad Yunus’s theatrics distract from Bangladesh’s perilous geopolitical and democratic drift.

If Professor Muhammad Yunus hoped to steer Bangladesh into a calm democratic harbour, his tenure as interim leader is instead dragging the country into stormier waters. The Nobel Peace Prize winner and social entrepreneur, once celebrated for bringing microfinance to the world’s poorest, now seems overwhelmed by the chaos of real-world governance. His threat to resign last week may have been meant to jolt political parties into cooperation. Instead, it has exposed the limits of moral authority in a deeply polarised nation teetering on the edge of political and economic breakdown. In the event, Yunus has decided to stay on, if reports are to be believed.


Bangladesh’s interim government, in place since last August following mass student protests that ended Sheikh Hasina’s increasingly autocratic rule, was always going to face formidable challenges. But Yunus has compounded the difficulties by indulging in public melodrama when firmness and discretion are needed. His repeated hints at resignation, his open frustrations with political factions, and his cabinet reshuffles betray a leadership style more academic seminar than statecraft.


The political climate is combustible. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), long antagonistic toward both Hasina’s Awami League and the military, has seized on Yunus’s equivocation to press harder for concessions, notably a fixed election date. BNP supporters continue to flood the streets of Dhaka, demanding justice for what they claim was the fraudulent 2020 mayoral election, a lingering scar from the Awami League’s rule. Yunus, by promising elections by June 2026 but offering no fixed roadmap, has given his critics ample ammunition.


Behind the scenes, more serious confrontations are brewing. General Waker-Uz-Zaman, the army chief, has insisted that elections be held by December 2025. The military’s growing impatience is not simply about scheduling. A rift is widening between Yunus’s civilian administration and the armed forces over several strategic issues, notably the proposed “humanitarian corridor” into Myanmar’s Rakhine state, a move opposed by the military. Yunus’s appointment of a National Security Adviser, bypassing the military chain of command, appears a deliberate attempt to curtail army influence. But instead of strengthening civilian control, it has only provoked institutional resistance.


Yunus’ relationship with the Awami League soured more than a decade ago when he briefly floated the idea of forming a political party. Since then, he has lived in a space between admiration abroad and suspicion at home. His appointment last year as head of the interim government was welcomed by Western capitals and a fatigued civil society but not by Bangladesh’s political class, which sees him as an outsider with little grasp of local power dynamics.


Last week’s resignation theatrics resemble less a democratic reckoning than a courtly drama. Leadership demands not just moral clarity, but strategic acumen and the ability to manage conflicting interests. Yunus has so far displayed neither.


The geopolitical stakes are rising. With India cooling relations following Hasina’s ouster, Bangladesh finds itself increasingly isolated. Economic growth forecasts have been slashed. The World Bank warns that Bangladesh may experience its slowest growth in nearly four decades. Foreign investment is stagnant, and the government’s fiscal leeway is narrowing. China, which courted Hasina with infrastructure promises, is watching the chaos with measured detachment. Meanwhile, the U.S., an early champion of Yunus, is more preoccupied with global flashpoints elsewhere.


Bangladesh sits at the crossroads of South and Southeast Asia, straddling fragile migration routes, Islamic militancy risks, and a region-wide arms race. Its fate affects the stability of not just India’s eastern flank, but also the Bay of Bengal’s maritime security. The interim government’s appeasement (nay, courting of) Islamists risks turning the situation into a pressure cooker.


Bangladesh needs a technocratic government, not a theatrical one. Yunus must understand that the credibility of a transition government depends not on his personal aura, but on his ability to facilitate consensus among political actors and institutions. If he is unable to mediate with the military, communicate clearly with the public, or uphold the authority of civilian institutions, then the real question is whether he still deserves to lead.

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