top of page

By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city...

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city will get a ‘Hindu Marathi’ person to head India’s richest civic body, while the Opposition Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena also harbour fond hopes of a miracle that could ensure their own person for the post. The Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) optimism stems from expectations of possible political permutations-combinations that could develop with a realignment of forces as the Supreme Court is hearing the cases involving the Shiv Sena-Nationalist Congress Party this week. Catapulted as the largest single party, the BJP hopes to install a first ever party-man as Mayor, but that may not create history. Way back in 1982-1983, a BJP leader Dr. Prabhakar Pai had served in the top post in Mumbai (then Bombay). Incidentally, Dr. Pai hailed from Udupi district of Karnataka, and his appointment came barely a couple of years after the BJP was formed (1980), capping a distinguished career as a city father, said experts. Originally a Congressman, Dr. Pai later shifted to the Bharatiya Janata Party, then back to Congress briefly, founded the Janata Seva Sangh before immersing himself in social activities. Second Administrator The 2026 Mayoral elections have evoked huge interest not only among Mumbaikars but across the country as it comes after nearly four years since the BMC was governed by an Administrator. This was only the second time in the BMC history that an Administrator was named after April 1984-May 1985. On both occasions, there were election-related issues, the first time the elections got delayed for certain reasons and the second time the polling was put off owing to Ward delimitations and OBC quotas as the matter was pending in the courts. From 1931 till 2022, Mumbai has been lorded over by 76 Mayors, men and women, hailing from various regions, backgrounds, castes and communities. They included Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Parsis, Sikhs, even a Jew, etc., truly reflecting the cosmopolitan personality of the coastal city and India’s financial powerhouse. In 1931-1932, the Mayor was a Parsi, J. B. Boman Behram, and others from his community followed like Khurshed Framji Nariman (after whom Nariman Point is named), E. A. Bandukwala, Minoo Masani, B. N. Karanjia and other bigwigs. There were Muslims like Hoosenally Rahimtoola, Sultan M. Chinoy, the legendary Yusuf Meherally, Dr. A. U. Memon and others. The Christian community got a fair share of Mayors with Joseph A. D’Souza – who was Member of Constituent Assembly representing Bombay Province for writing-approving the Constitution of India, M. U. Mascarenhas, P. A. Dias, Simon C. Fernandes, J. Leon D’Souza, et al. A Jew Elijah Moses (1937-1938) and a Sikh M. H. Bedi (1983-1984), served as Mayors, but post-1985, for the past 40 years, nobody from any minority community occupied the august post. During the silver jubilee year of the post, Sulochana M. Modi became the first woman Mayor of Mumbai (1956), and later with tweaks in the rules, many women ruled in this post – Nirmala Samant-Prabhavalkar (1994-1995), Vishakha Raut (997-1998), Dr. Shubha Raul (March 2007-Nov. 2009), Shraddha Jadhav (Dec. 2009-March 2012), Snehal Ambedkar (Sep. 2014-March 2017). The last incumbent (before the Administrator) was a government nurse, Kishori Pednekar (Nov. 2019-March 2022) - who earned the sobriquet of ‘Florence Nightingale’ of Mumbai - as she flitted around in her full white uniform at the height of the Covid-19 Pandemic, earning the admiration of the citizens. Mumbai Mayor – high-profile post The Mumbai Mayor’s post is considered a crucial step in the political ladder and many went on to become MLAs, MPs, state-central ministers, a Lok Sabha Speaker, Chief Ministers and union ministers. The formidable S. K. Patil was Mayor (1949-1952) and later served in the union cabinets of PMs Jawaharlal Nehru, Lah Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi; Dahyabhai V. Patel (1954-1955) was the son of India’s first Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel; Manohar Joshi (1976-1977) became the CM of Maharashtra, later union minister and Speaker of Lok Sabha; Chhagan Bhujbal (1985-1986 – 1990-1991) became a Deputy CM.

India’s Rural Lifeline Needs a Lifeline

The Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme is too vital to be so neglected.

India’s countryside, once the fount of its civilisational vitality, still houses 65 percent of its people and supports 47 percent through agriculture. Despite rapid urbanisation, rural India remains the republic’s economic and moral backbone. Yet, its vast landscape is increasingly dotted with evidence of administrative neglect. The Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), once hailed as a revolutionary scheme for alleviating rural distress, now risks becoming a ghost of its former self - underfunded, underdelivered and underwhelming in impact.


This is not for want of money. The Ministry of Rural Development was allocated Rs. 1.90 trillion in the 2025–26 Union Budget - a rise of eight percent from the previous year and a healthy twelve percent annual growth since 2012–13. MGNREGA alone accounts for 45 percent of this budget. At its core, the scheme promises up to 100 days of unskilled wage employment per rural household per year. It has done more than merely provide income, functioning as an informal shock absorber for India’s agrarian economy, especially during lean seasons and post-harvest lulls.


During the COVID-19 pandemic, when millions of migrant workers trudged back to their villages, MGNREGA became a lifeline. The government allocated over Rs. 1 trillion for it, and person-days of employment surged to an all-time high of 389 crores in 2020–21. Even today, with economic recovery well underway, the scheme remains relevant with 312.18 crore person-days generated in 2024–25, supporting nearly 6 crore rural households and over 11 crore active workers. But cracks are showing.


The average employment provided in 2024–25 was just 45 days - far short of the 100-day guarantee. In industrially lagging states like Mizoram and Ladakh, the average was 81 and 65 days respectively. But richer states such as Maharashtra, Gujarat, and Haryana fared poorly, failing to leverage their stronger fiscal capacity. Wage levels under the scheme remain another sore point. In 11 out of 30 states and Union Territories, they fall below the minimum notified wages, despite clear recommendations by a parliamentary standing committee in 2022 to peg MGNREGA wages to national inflation indices. That advice still gathers dust.


Compensation for delays and unemployment allowances under MGNREGA remain largely undelivered. By January 2025, only 26 percent and 24 percent, respectively, had been paid. Just three states - - Uttar Pradesh, Odisha and Assam - made any unemployment payments, with national disbursals rarely exceeding 10 percent since 2020. Meanwhile, only 56 percent of India’s 2,68,919 Gram Panchayats conducted social audits in the past year, revealing weak institutional oversight and limited capacity for reform.


Political friction adds to the malaise. The Economic Survey of 2023–24 rightly pointed out that a strong centre-state partnership is vital for MGNREGA’s success. Yet in practice, ideological clashes often trump governance. West Bengal is a striking case: the scheme has been entirely suspended in the state owing to a bitter spat between state and central authorities. Such brinkmanship only harms the most vulnerable.


The government’s own standing committee proposed extending guaranteed work to 150 days. That too has gone ignored. Meanwhile, many states, instead of strengthening MGNREGA, have launched populist welfare schemes like Ladli Behena, targeted more at political optics than systemic reform.


A way forward lies in demanding greater fiscal responsibility from states, which contribute just 10 percent to MGNREGA yet show little initiative. Making them true stakeholders could boost accountability. The scheme must also move beyond manual labour—upskilling even a fraction of its 11 crore workers could be transformative. The private sector, through CSR and laws like the Apprentices Act, can help. As seen during the Agniveer rollout, businesses are willing to hire trained recruits; a similar model could uplift rural employment.


Even Prime Minister Narendra Modi has voiced concerns about the scheme’s execution. But as India marches towards its goal of becoming a developed nation by 2047, such schemes must become central to the development agenda. India’s per capita income remains just one-fourth of what is required to reach that goal. MGNREGA, implemented effectively and innovatively, can be a bridge to inclusive growth.


The rural poor deserve more than lip service. If India truly wants to lift its villages into the 21st century, it must stop treating MGNREGA as a relic and start treating it as the foundation it was meant to be.


(The author is a Chartered Accountant with a leading company in Mumbai. Views personal.)

Comments

bottom of page