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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city...

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city will get a ‘Hindu Marathi’ person to head India’s richest civic body, while the Opposition Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena also harbour fond hopes of a miracle that could ensure their own person for the post. The Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) optimism stems from expectations of possible political permutations-combinations that could develop with a realignment of forces as the Supreme Court is hearing the cases involving the Shiv Sena-Nationalist Congress Party this week. Catapulted as the largest single party, the BJP hopes to install a first ever party-man as Mayor, but that may not create history. Way back in 1982-1983, a BJP leader Dr. Prabhakar Pai had served in the top post in Mumbai (then Bombay). Incidentally, Dr. Pai hailed from Udupi district of Karnataka, and his appointment came barely a couple of years after the BJP was formed (1980), capping a distinguished career as a city father, said experts. Originally a Congressman, Dr. Pai later shifted to the Bharatiya Janata Party, then back to Congress briefly, founded the Janata Seva Sangh before immersing himself in social activities. Second Administrator The 2026 Mayoral elections have evoked huge interest not only among Mumbaikars but across the country as it comes after nearly four years since the BMC was governed by an Administrator. This was only the second time in the BMC history that an Administrator was named after April 1984-May 1985. On both occasions, there were election-related issues, the first time the elections got delayed for certain reasons and the second time the polling was put off owing to Ward delimitations and OBC quotas as the matter was pending in the courts. From 1931 till 2022, Mumbai has been lorded over by 76 Mayors, men and women, hailing from various regions, backgrounds, castes and communities. They included Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Parsis, Sikhs, even a Jew, etc., truly reflecting the cosmopolitan personality of the coastal city and India’s financial powerhouse. In 1931-1932, the Mayor was a Parsi, J. B. Boman Behram, and others from his community followed like Khurshed Framji Nariman (after whom Nariman Point is named), E. A. Bandukwala, Minoo Masani, B. N. Karanjia and other bigwigs. There were Muslims like Hoosenally Rahimtoola, Sultan M. Chinoy, the legendary Yusuf Meherally, Dr. A. U. Memon and others. The Christian community got a fair share of Mayors with Joseph A. D’Souza – who was Member of Constituent Assembly representing Bombay Province for writing-approving the Constitution of India, M. U. Mascarenhas, P. A. Dias, Simon C. Fernandes, J. Leon D’Souza, et al. A Jew Elijah Moses (1937-1938) and a Sikh M. H. Bedi (1983-1984), served as Mayors, but post-1985, for the past 40 years, nobody from any minority community occupied the august post. During the silver jubilee year of the post, Sulochana M. Modi became the first woman Mayor of Mumbai (1956), and later with tweaks in the rules, many women ruled in this post – Nirmala Samant-Prabhavalkar (1994-1995), Vishakha Raut (997-1998), Dr. Shubha Raul (March 2007-Nov. 2009), Shraddha Jadhav (Dec. 2009-March 2012), Snehal Ambedkar (Sep. 2014-March 2017). The last incumbent (before the Administrator) was a government nurse, Kishori Pednekar (Nov. 2019-March 2022) - who earned the sobriquet of ‘Florence Nightingale’ of Mumbai - as she flitted around in her full white uniform at the height of the Covid-19 Pandemic, earning the admiration of the citizens. Mumbai Mayor – high-profile post The Mumbai Mayor’s post is considered a crucial step in the political ladder and many went on to become MLAs, MPs, state-central ministers, a Lok Sabha Speaker, Chief Ministers and union ministers. The formidable S. K. Patil was Mayor (1949-1952) and later served in the union cabinets of PMs Jawaharlal Nehru, Lah Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi; Dahyabhai V. Patel (1954-1955) was the son of India’s first Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel; Manohar Joshi (1976-1977) became the CM of Maharashtra, later union minister and Speaker of Lok Sabha; Chhagan Bhujbal (1985-1986 – 1990-1991) became a Deputy CM.

Ploughing Into Trouble: The Battle for Purandar Airport

The standoff over Purandar is a cautionary tale for India’s infrastructure ambitions, with lessons for planners to treat farmers as stakeholders and not as obstacles

Pune: It was meant to be a gateway to global connectivity. A gleaming new international airport near Pune, poised to catapult Western Maharashtra into the world market. But nearly a decade after the Purandar International Airport Project was first approved in 2014, progress has been halting, hamstrung by a fierce and unusually organised rural resistance. The airport, intended to occupy over 2,800 hectares across seven fertile villages in Saswad taluka, now finds itself not on a flight path to prosperity, but mired in a prolonged and politically sensitive standoff.


At the heart of the dispute lies a fundamental dilemma: development versus livelihoods. The Maharashtra government, led by Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis and his mercurial deputy Ajit Pawar, has positioned the airport as a vital infrastructure project. With ambitions of creating a world-class facility, the state envisions the airport as a hub that will unlock global markets for local agricultural produce and connect the region’s burgeoning economy with international trade circuits. But for the villagers of Pargaon Memane, Munjwadi, Khanwadi, Udachi Wadi, Vanpuri, Ekhatpur and Kumbharvalan, these grand plans spell the end of a rural resurgence carefully nurtured over the past decade.


The roots of the farmers' ire run deep. Since a 2016 notification flagged their villages as the proposed site for the airport, opposition has simmered. The discontent boiled over in March 2025, when the state government declared the entire project zone as an industrial area under the aegis of the Maharashtra Industrial Development Corporation (MIDC). Farmers, many of whom have transitioned successfully into horticulture thanks to the Purandar Upsa Irrigation Scheme, now see the airport not as a promise but a threat - a bulldozer aimed squarely at their newfound prosperity.


Their protests have grown increasingly defiant. From symbolic hunger strikes and gram sabha resolutions to stonewalling official surveys and clashing with the police, the movement has grown beyond routine grievance into a grassroots assertion of autonomy. The tragic death of a woman during a lathi-charge, though contested by the authorities, has further inflamed tensions. What was initially administrative resistance has now evolved into a political tinderbox.


The state government, meanwhile, appears caught between urgency and unease. Ajit Pawar has claimed that 60 percent of landowners have agreed to the acquisition - a figure that is both contested and opaque. Even assuming its accuracy, the remaining 40 percent represents the politically sensitive and agriculturally rich core of the land in question. Pawar’s assurances that the district collector is “looking into the matter” have done little to cool tempers.


The government’s developmental rhetoric hinges on the airport’s economic promise. Officials argue that Western Maharashtra’s agricultural produce - sugarcane, figs, custard apple, vegetables - would find new international markets through air cargo. Fadnavis has pitched the airport as the linchpin of a wider regional upliftment plan, linking it with road and rail corridors like the Shakti Peeth Highway and the Pune-Nashik railway line. But these too face similar resistance, suggesting that the pushback is not just about the airport, but a broader pattern of rural backlash against top-down planning.


Part of the problem is perception. The state has yet to announce compensation rates, fuelling suspicion that land prices will be undervalued or, worse, hijacked by speculative middlemen. Villagers claim that some lands have already been traded with brokers. In the absence of transparency, even offers of compensation ring hollow.


The resistance has found allies in unlikely corners. Retired Justice B.G. Kolse Patil had led a protest march to the District Collectorate. Sharad Pawar, the patriarch of Maharashtra politics, was lobbied by farmers who accused the state of betrayal. “We are not against the airport,” they insisted, “but we will not give even an inch of our land.” Such language echoes a growing sentiment in India’s rural hinterlands that development imposed without consent is no development at all.


Politicians, always wary of agrarian unrest in an election-heavy state, are treading carefully. Suggestions from local Shiv Sena MLA Vijay Shivtare to build an IT park on barren land nearby have met with little enthusiasm, and justly so. To expect horticulture-dependent farmers to abandon their land in exchange for hypothetical IT jobs is to misunderstand both the culture and economics of rural India.


The state’s challenge now is not merely technical (surveying land or negotiating price) but strategic. Can it reframe development not as an edict from Mumbai, but as a collaborative vision? There are precedents for successful land pooling and community-led infrastructure in India. But they demand trust, clarity and above all, genuine dialogue - qualities in short supply in the Purandar saga thus far.


The clock is ticking. The government still clings to its timeline: construction to start by May 2026, operations by 2029. Yet the arithmetic of deadlines may not add up if the political calculus is misjudged.

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