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By:

Bharati Dubey

17 May 2026 at 1:38:10 am

Raja Shivaji sparks a new era for Marathi cinema

Mumbai: As Raja Shivaji marches steadily towards the Rs 100 crore mark, the film has reignited debate around the future of the Marathi film industry. Having already crossed Rs 80 crore at the Indian box office, the historical drama is now only the second Marathi film after Sairat to achieve the milestone. Its success has raised a larger question within the trade: can a major blockbuster finally attract sustained investment into Marathi cinema, an industry often marked by cycles of growth and...

Raja Shivaji sparks a new era for Marathi cinema

Mumbai: As Raja Shivaji marches steadily towards the Rs 100 crore mark, the film has reignited debate around the future of the Marathi film industry. Having already crossed Rs 80 crore at the Indian box office, the historical drama is now only the second Marathi film after Sairat to achieve the milestone. Its success has raised a larger question within the trade: can a major blockbuster finally attract sustained investment into Marathi cinema, an industry often marked by cycles of growth and slowdown? Much of the buzz surrounding the film stems from the support it received from prominent Hindi film stars, several of whom reportedly came on board to back the project and the industry. Trade analyst Girish Wankhede believes the film’s biggest achievement lies in the scale of collaboration it represents. “The real strength of Raja Shivaji lies in its creative ensemble star cast, which Riteish Deshmukh successfully brought together. By roping in heavyweight Hindi stars like Abhishek Bachchan, Sanjay Dutt, and Salman Khan, the film showcases the immense combined value of cross-industry collaboration. This strong gesture of Hindi cinema’s biggest names extending full support to a Marathi project has created a powerful impression, generating tremendous curiosity and respect for Marathi cinema among audiences, investors, and other industries. It underscores how Marathi films can now command pan-Indian attention and star power,” he says. At the same time, Wankhede feels it may still be premature to call the film a runaway commercial success given its production scale and costs. “What is heartening is the visible new energy and creative fuel that Riteish Deshmukh has infused into Marathi cinema. With him at the helm of affairs, the film looks strong and polished, and this momentum, further amplified by the star support, is already drawing serious attention from investors who were earlier hesitant about the regional space,” he adds. Producer Suniel Wadhwa, Co-Founder and Director of Karmic Films, says the film’s performance could play an important role in rebuilding investor confidence in theatrical cinema. “The success of Raja Shivaji could significantly improve investor confidence in theatrical cinema, especially at a time when many non-film investors have become cautious about the sector. If the film succeeds as a large-scale theatrical event rather than just an opening weekend phenomenon, it will reinforce the belief that culturally rooted Indian stories still possess massive commercial potential across regions and demographics,” he says. However, Wadhwa points out that the industry continues to face deep structural challenges. “One of the biggest is the shortage of true theatrical stars who can create urgency for audiences to step into cinemas. Streaming has created visibility, but not necessarily ticket-selling mythology. At the same time, India remains heavily under-screened, and even strong films often struggle with inadequate show slots, limited showcasing windows, and overcrowded release calendars. Many films today are judged within the first 48–72 hours, leaving little room for organic word-of-mouth growth,” he says. According to him, the theatrical business is evolving rather than disappearing. “Audiences are now reserving cinema outings for event-driven experiences — spectacle, emotion, mythology, action, horror-comedy, and culturally resonant storytelling. Films that can create that collective viewing urgency will continue to attract both audiences and serious investment capital,” he adds. The Marathi film industry has witnessed a mixed year so far. More than two dozen films have released, but only a handful — including Raja Shivaji, Kranti Vidyalay Marathi Madhyam, Aga Aga Sunbai Mahnatay Sasubai, and Super Duper — have performed strongly at the box office. Veteran journalist Dilip Thakur believes Marathi cinema has already begun regaining momentum after the slowdown caused by the pandemic. “New Marathi films are getting launched regularly. The upcoming film Bapya had its screening at Sunny Super Sound, which was attended by non-Marathi journalists in big numbers. The story of Bapya is complex and difficult to make. The point here is that a producer agreed to put his money into the film. Sabar Bonda was another difficult subject which won an award at Sundance. So, producers willing to invest money in such subjects is one positive sign,” he says. Thakur also points to the continued appetite for mainstream Marathi entertainers. “The boom after Sairat still exists in Marathi cinema. There was a setback for four years because of Covid, but the industry has gained momentum. Ravi Jadhav’s new film Fulawara, based on tamasha folk art, will soon go on floors in Pune,” he says. He further notes that Marathi cinema is increasingly attracting investors from outside the industry. “Most Marathi films have non-Marathi investors. They are putting in money because there is business in Marathi cinema. But not every film becomes a hit. Subhash Ghai also produced a few Marathi films. If the subject is good, people are willing to invest,” he adds. Not everyone, however, is convinced that one major hit can alter the industry’s fortunes overnight. Nitin Datar, president of the Cinema Owners Association, remains cautious about reading too much into the film’s success. “Only one film success is not going to bring investors. In the last five years, out of nearly 500 films produced, the success rate has not been encouraging,” he says. Datar acknowledges that the presence of Hindi stars has helped boost the film’s commercial appeal but stresses that Marathi cinema still lacks enough bankable stars capable of consistently drawing audiences to theatres. “The production houses and directors have attracted audiences. Unfortunately, producers haven’t been successful in attracting financial assistance, which has resulted in low production and advertising budgets. But if films succeed in pulling audiences over the weekend, exhibitors automatically increase shows and reduce screenings of underperforming films from other languages. The audience is always there, waiting to visit theatres in large numbers for a good film,” he says. For now, Raja Shivaji has undeniably given Marathi cinema a strong moment in the spotlight. Whether that momentum translates into long-term financial confidence and sustained industry growth remains the larger question.

The Druze Divide

The collapse of Assad’s regime has thrown Syria’s delicate ethnic balance into turmoil, with the Druze once again caught in the crossfire.

The fall of Bashar al-Assad last year ended more than half a century of Alawite dominance in Syria. Yet peace has since proved elusive. In recent weeks, the southern province of Sweida has been engulfed in some of the worst communal violence since the Islamic-led government took power. At least 37 people have been killed in clashes between the Druze - members of a small, secretive religious minority - and Sunni Bedouin tribes following a spate of tit-for-tat kidnappings and armed ambushes. Over 100 have been injured. As the new authorities scramble to restore order, the events in Sweida reveal just how fragile post-Assad Syria remains, and how the fate of minorities like the Druze may shape its future.

 

The Druze are no strangers to political turbulence. Emerging in the 11th century as an offshoot of Ismaili Shiism, they have long maintained a tight-knit, secretive identity, with theological doctrines inaccessible to outsiders and a strong sense of communal autonomy. Though they make up less than 3 percent of Syria’s population, their geographic concentration in the rugged highlands of Sweida has enabled them to preserve a distinctive social and military structure.

 

Historically, the Druze have played a careful game of pragmatism by aligning with central regimes when convenient, yet always keeping one foot outside the state’s reach. That strategy reached its apogee under Bashar al-Assad. During Syria’s long civil war, the Druze largely refrained from joining the armed opposition, choosing instead to tacitly back the regime in exchange for security and limited autonomy. Assad, an Alawite himself - a sect closely aligned with Shiism - relied on such minority alliances to buttress his rule against a largely Sunni uprising.

 

In Sweida, this meant that government forces rarely intervened in local affairs. Druze militias had maintained checkpoints and enforced order. But the arrangement rested on Assad’s capacity to mediate between communities and to keep hardline Sunni groups at bay. With his fall, that balance has evaporated.

 

The current violence was sparked by a checkpoint set up by a Bedouin tribe, where a young Druze man was reportedly robbed and assaulted. This led to a wave of retaliatory kidnappings and armed confrontations. In April and May, skirmishes between Druze fighters and the new security forces had already left dozens dead.

 

The Islamic-led government, formed after the Islamist rebel group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) stormed Damascus last year, is attempting to project control. But its legitimacy remains contested, particularly among minority groups who fear that the new Sunni-dominated order may prove no more inclusive than the one it replaced. HTS, once a pariah on Western terrorism lists, has been cautiously rehabilitated with Donald Trump recently removing it from its list of foreign terrorist organisations.

 

These moves suggest a realpolitik-driven recalibration in Western policy. But on the ground, minorities remain vulnerable.

Beyond the Druze, other minority communities are facing similar threats. Hundreds of Alawites have reportedly been killed in recent months, and even Christian churches in Damascus have been attacked.

 

Syria’s past offers few reassuring precedents. In 1925, the Great Syrian Revolt, largely led by the Druze against French colonial rule, saw the community emerge as both a symbol of national resistance and a target of brutal suppression. During the Lebanese civil war (1975–1990), Druze militias played pivotal roles in sectarian battles, carving out autonomous zones and sometimes turning against former allies. In Israel, the Druze have often been treated as ‘loyal Arabs,’ serving in the military but also resisting policies that marginalize Palestinians. This history underscores a fundamental truth: the Druze survive by adapting, but their loyalties are not immutable.

 

Today, the stakes are existential. Without the backing of a strong central state, the Druze face growing hostility from Sunni tribes emboldened by the new order. Unless the government in Damascus can offer real guarantees of protection and pluralism, the sectarian patchwork of southern Syria could unravel further.

 

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