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23 August 2024 at 4:29:04 pm

Fractured Crown

Between Siddaramaiah’s grip on power and Shivakumar’s restless ambition, the Karnataka Congress is trapped in a succession spiral. Karnataka Karnataka today has two chief ministers - one by office, the other by expectation. The power tussle between Siddaramaiah and his deputy, D.K. Shivakumar, has slipped so completely into the open that the Congress’s ritual denials sound like political farce. A whispered ‘understanding’ after the 2023 victory that each would get the CM’s post after...

Fractured Crown

Between Siddaramaiah’s grip on power and Shivakumar’s restless ambition, the Karnataka Congress is trapped in a succession spiral. Karnataka Karnataka today has two chief ministers - one by office, the other by expectation. The power tussle between Siddaramaiah and his deputy, D.K. Shivakumar, has slipped so completely into the open that the Congress’s ritual denials sound like political farce. A whispered ‘understanding’ after the 2023 victory that each would get the CM’s post after two-and-a-half years has hardened into a public confrontation between a chief minister determined to finish five years and a deputy increasingly unwilling to wait. The recent breakfast meeting between the two men at Siddaramaiah’s residence was presented as a truce where the ‘high command’ was invoked as the final arbiter. “There are no differences between us,” Siddaramaiah insisted, twice for emphasis. Few were convinced and soon, Shivakumar was again hinting darkly at change. For weeks, Shivakumar’s loyalists have been holding meetings, mobilising legislators and making pilgrimages to Delhi to get the Congress high command to honour its promise. They insist that the Congress leadership agreed to a rotational chief ministership in 2023 and that November 2025 was always meant to mark Shivakumar’s ascent. The high command, for its part, has perfected the art of strategic vagueness by neither confirming nor denying the pact. This suggests that the Congress does not merely hesitate to act against Siddaramaiah, but increasingly lacks the capacity to do so. From the outset of his second innings, Siddaramaiah has given no signal of easing aside. As he approaches January 2026, poised to overtake D. Devaraj Urs as Karnataka’s longest-serving chief minister, the symbolism is unmistakable. The mantle of social justice politics that Urs once embodied now firmly sits on Siddaramaiah’s shoulders. And it is this social coalition that shields him. His fortress is AHINDA - minorities, backward classes and Dalits. Leaked figures from the unreleased caste census suggest that these groups together approach or exceed two-thirds of the state’s population. Lingayats and Vokkaligas, once electorally dominant, are rendered numerical minorities in this arithmetic. Siddaramaiah governs not merely as a Congress leader, but as the putative custodian of Karnataka’s demographic majority. That claim is reinforced through policy. Minority scholarships have been revived, contractor quotas restored, residential schools expanded. More than Rs. 42,000 crore has been earmarked for Scheduled Castes and Tribes. Kurubas, his own community, have been pitched for Scheduled Tribe status, with careful assurances that their elevation will not disadvantage others. DK Shivakumar brings organisational muscle, financial clout and control over the Vokkaliga heartland. In electoral campaigns, these are formidable assets. But in a confrontation with a leader who embodies a 60–70 percent social coalition, they are blunt instruments. The Congress high command understands this equation, even if it publicly pretends otherwise. It also remembers, uneasily, what Siddaramaiah did the last time his authority was constrained. In 2020, when the Congress–JD(S) coalition collapsed after 16 MLAs defected to Mumbai,13 of them hailed from Siddaramaiah’s camp. At the time, he held the post of coordination committee chairman. Instead, he emerged as the principal beneficiary of collapse, returning as Leader of the Opposition with a tighter grip on the party. If the Congress high command could not punish him then, it is doubtful it can coerce him now. Shivakumar’s predicament is thus more tragic than tactical. He is not battling a rival alone, but an entire political structure built to outlast him. The promised coronation looks increasingly like a mirage drifting just ahead of a man condemned to keep walking. For the Congress, the cost of this paralysis is already visible. A government elected on guarantees and governance is consumed by succession. The party’s authority is dissolving while its factions harden. The Congress returned to power in Karnataka after years in the wilderness, only to re-enact the same leadership dysfunction that has crippled it elsewhere. Regardless of whether Siddaramaiah survives this storm, it is becoming increasingly clear that the Congress cannot survive the slow corrosion of its command in one of the few states it holds today.

The Eternal Pivot: Swing States and the American Electoral Pendulum

Updated: Nov 7, 2024

 American Electoral Pendulum

In the thick of every U.S. presidential election cycle, attention inevitably turns to a peculiar list of states: those that can tip the scales of democracy with a whisper of votes. These are the “swing states” — neither reliably red nor blue, but rather a mosaic of shifting allegiances. The upcoming contest between Donald Trump and Kamala Harris is no different. From Pennsylvania to Arizona, Wisconsin to Georgia, these pivotal regions, which have become the petri dish of American politics, are again poised to wield outsized influence over the direction of the nation. But what is it about swing states that imbues them with such potent political gravity? And why, in a country as vast as the United States, does the focus of political campaigns narrow to a few key regions year after year?


The term “swing state” is not a modern invention. While it formally entered the American lexicon in the early 20th century, its essence has been a fixture of American democracy for as long as the nation has elected leaders. At its core, a swing state is one whose electorate lacks a steadfast allegiance to a single political party, leaving its outcome unpredictable. Over the years, regions that today might seem reliably partisan—like California, now a Democratic stronghold, or Texas, staunchly Republican—were themselves once swing states. The sway of public opinion has always been prone to geographical and demographic shifts, altering political maps and, in turn, altering the tactics of campaign strategists.


The most notable historical example of a swing-state victory might be the 1960 election between John F. Kennedy and Richard Nixon. In that razor-thin race, Kennedy's wins in Illinois and Texas were crucial to his success. Illinois, in particular, underscored the now infamous importance of a well-executed ground game and, as some critics argue, questionable tactics on behalf of local Democratic machines. In more recent history, the 2000 election between George W. Bush and Al Gore highlighted the gravity of swing-state campaigning to dramatic effect. Florida’s 537-vote margin—decided only after weeks of recounts and a Supreme Court ruling—handed Bush the presidency, despite Gore’s nationwide popular vote lead. Florida’s role in determining the winner etched swing states even more deeply into the American psyche.


Candidates spend vast amounts of time and resources in these key states for good reason. The Electoral College amplifies the importance of each state’s outcome by awarding all its electoral votes to the candidate who wins the popular vote there. This system, dating back to the country’s founding, was intended to balance influence between high-population states and their smaller counterparts. But in the modern political era, it means that a handful of voters in swing states have the power to shape the nation's future, while millions in reliably red or blue states are often left feeling their votes count for less. The battlegrounds become a magnifying glass for the pulse of the country, where voters in Pennsylvania, Michigan, and North Carolina serve as microcosms of America’s broader political divisions.


Why do campaigns funnel such massive resources into swing states? First, there’s the simple arithmetic of the Electoral College. It doesn’t matter if a candidate wins California by one vote or ten million votes—the result is still a haul of 55 electoral votes. But that same candidate could capture the White House with narrow victories in a handful of smaller, swingier states, rendering their popular vote margin irrelevant. As a result, campaign strategists focus not on maximizing their candidates’ nationwide support but on piecing together a coalition of states that can deliver a majority of electoral votes.


The concept of the swing state, though quintessentially modern in its electoral calculus, is as old as the Republic itself. Yet, the modern understanding of these states as decisive battlegrounds is relatively new. For most of the 19th century, partisan affiliations were so deeply ingrained that certain states were almost guaranteed to go one way or the other. It wasn’t until the fracturing of these coalitions, first in the Civil Rights era and later in the culture wars of the late 20th century, that we saw the birth of what could be considered swing states.


In the early years of the 21st century, the swing state roster was a predictable one. Florida, Ohio, and Pennsylvania were the enduring titans of the "toss-up" category. Each election cycle, they emerged as the battlegrounds where campaigns funneled untold millions, airing commercials, staging rallies, and spinning voter data into every imaginable form. Ohio was the bellwether state for so many decades that it became synonymous with presidential prediction. The common refrain was: ‘As Ohio goes, so goes the nation.’


Pennsylvania has long been a bellwether, having voted for the winning presidential candidate in every election but one since 1932. The state’s diverse electorate—comprised of urban areas like Philadelphia and Pittsburgh, rural communities, and suburban districts—offers a microcosm of the nation itself. In 2016, Donald Trump’s unexpected victory in Pennsylvania was a harbinger of the rust belt’s shifting political landscape, highlighting the discontent among working-class voters regarding economic stagnation and globalization. Conversely, Joe Biden's return to his home state in 2020 proved decisive, underlining its importance once more as Democrats sought to reclaim lost ground.


But the last decade has witnessed a tectonic shift with new swing states like Georgia and Arizona emerging, while previously vital battlegrounds like Ohio and Iowa now lean solidly Republican. This shifting map is emblematic of deeper demographic trends reshaping American politics.


Consider Georgia, once the crown jewel of the reliably conservative South. Following decades of consistent Republican control, the state turned blue in the 2020 election, delivering an improbable victory to Joe Biden.


Arizona is another unexpected newcomer. Historically a Republican stronghold, the state’s proximity to the Mexican border has made immigration a key issue, often aligning the state with conservative candidates. Yet recent shifts, partly spurred by younger, Latino voters and disaffected suburban Republicans, have begun to edge the state toward the political center.


In the Midwest, Wisconsin and Michigan reflect the discontent of working-class voters, flipping red in 2016 before returning to Democrats in 2020 as Biden won back urban and Black constituencies. Arizona and Georgia, historically conservative, are now central battlegrounds, driven by demographic changes and mobilization of Latino, Black, and suburban voters. Nevada’s growing Latino and Asian American populations further complicate its political landscape, keeping it in play as both parties vie for its crucial electoral votes.


Yet the weight that swing states carry in the electoral process has come under increasing scrutiny. Critics argue that a system so dependent on a handful of states is inherently undemocratic, giving an outsized voice to voters in a few, often demographically unrepresentative, states. The structure of the Electoral College amplifies this imbalance, rendering millions of votes moot in states like California and Texas, while small shifts in a place like Nevada can alter the national outcome.


Moreover, swing states tend to encapsulate the diversity of issues that resonate across the broader electorate. In the Midwest, manufacturing jobs and trade often top the agenda; in the Southwest, immigration and healthcare take center stage.


As the clock inexorably ticks to November 5 when the contest between Trump and Harris will be decided, America’s eyes will once again focus on the small band of battlegrounds whose residents, whether by accident of geography or demography, will determine the nation’s fate.

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