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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

The Unequal Cousins

Raj Thackeray’s ‘sacrifice’ saved Shiv Sena (UBT) but sank the MNS Mumbai: In the volatile theatre of Maharashtra politics, the long-awaited reunion of the Thackeray cousins on the campaign trail was supposed to be the masterstroke that reclaimed Mumbai. The results of the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections, however, tell a story of tragic asymmetry. While the alliance has successfully helped the Shiv Sena (UBT) stem the saffron tide and regain lost ground, it has left Raj...

The Unequal Cousins

Raj Thackeray’s ‘sacrifice’ saved Shiv Sena (UBT) but sank the MNS Mumbai: In the volatile theatre of Maharashtra politics, the long-awaited reunion of the Thackeray cousins on the campaign trail was supposed to be the masterstroke that reclaimed Mumbai. The results of the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections, however, tell a story of tragic asymmetry. While the alliance has successfully helped the Shiv Sena (UBT) stem the saffron tide and regain lost ground, it has left Raj Thackeray’s Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) staring at an existential crisis. The final tally reveals a brutal reality for the MNS - Raj Thackeray played the role of the savior for his cousin, but in the process, he may have become the sole loser of the 2026 mandate. The worse part is that the Shiv Sena (UBT) is reluctant to accept this and is blaming Raj for the poor performance of his party leading to the defeat. A granular analysis of the ward-wise voting patterns exposes the fundamental flaw in this tactical alliance. The vote transfer, the holy grail of any coalition, operated strictly on a one-way street. Data suggests that the traditional MNS voter—often young, aggressive, and driven by regional pride—heeded Raj Thackeray’s call and transferred their votes to Shiv Sena (UBT) candidates in wards where the MNS did not contest. This consolidation was critical in helping the UBT hold its fortresses against the BJP's "Infra Man" juggernaut. However, the favor was not returned. In seats allocated to the MNS, the traditional Shiv Sena (UBT) voter appeared hesitant to back the "Engine" (MNS symbol). Whether due to lingering historical bitterness or a lack of instructions from the local UBT leadership, the "Torch" (UBT symbol) voters did not gravitate toward Raj’s candidates. The result? The UBT survived, while the MNS candidates were left stranded. ‘Second Fiddle’ Perhaps the most poignant aspect of this election was the shift in the personal dynamic between the Thackeray brothers. Decades ago, they parted ways over a bitter dispute regarding who would control the party helm. Raj, refusing to work under Uddhav, formed the MNS to chart his own path. Yet, in 2026, the wheel seems to have come full circle. By agreeing to contest a considerably lower number of seats and focusing his energy on the broader alliance narrative, Raj Thackeray tacitly accepted the role of "second fiddle." It was a pragmatic gamble to save the "Thackeray" brand from total erasure by the BJP-Shinde combine. While the brand survived, it is Uddhav who holds the equity, while Raj has been left with the debt. Charisma as a Charity Throughout the campaign, Raj Thackeray’s rallies were, as always, electric. His fiery oratory and charismatic presence drew massive crowds, a sharp contrast to the more somber tone of the UBT leadership. Ironically, this charisma served as a force multiplier not for his own party, but for his cousin’s. Raj acted as the star campaigner who energised the anti-BJP vote bank. He successfully articulated the anger against the "Delhi-centric" politics he accuses the BJP of fostering. But when the dust settled, the seats were won by UBT candidates who rode the wave Raj helped create. The MNS chief provided the wind for the sails, but the ship that docked in the BMC was captained by Uddhav. ‘Marathi Asmita’ Stung by the results and the realisation of the unequal exchange, Raj Thackeray took to social media shortly after the counting concluded. In an emotive post, he avoided blaming the alliance partner but instead pivoted back to his ideological roots. Urging his followers to "stick to the issue of Marathi Manoos and Marathi Asmita (pride)," Raj signaled a retreat to the core identity politics that birthed the MNS. It was a somber appeal, stripped of the bravado of the campaign, hinting at a leader who knows he must now rebuild from the rubble. The 2026 BMC election will be remembered as the moment Raj Thackeray proved he could be a kingmaker, even if it meant crowning the rival he once despised. He provided the timely help that allowed the Shiv Sena (UBT) to live to fight another day. But in the ruthless arithmetic of democracy, where moral victories count for little, the MNS stands isolated—a party that gave everything to the alliance and received nothing in return. Ironically, there are people within the UBT who still don’t want to accept this and on the contrary blame Raj Thackeray for dismal performance of the MNS, which they argue, derailed the UBT arithmetic. They state that had the MNS performed any better, the results would have been much better for the UBT.

The Price of a Plot

A municipal scam in Vasai-Virar lays bare how India’s urban governance often serves builders and politicians better than its citizens.

As India marked its 79th Independence Day, the flutter of tricolours in the monsoon breeze masked a less uplifting sight of an officer of the elite Indian Administrative Service being led away in handcuffs. Anil Kumar Pawar, until recently Commissioner of the Vasai-Virar City Municipal Corporation (VVCMC), was arrested by the Enforcement Directorate (ED) in connection with a sprawling money-laundering and illegal construction racket.


His fall, far more than just another corruption story, is a parable about the rot in India’s municipal governance, the pliability of urban planning laws and the political patronage networks that enable them.


The ED alleges that under Pawar’s watch in 2022, no fewer than 41 residential and commercial buildings sprouted illegally on land meant for sewage treatment plants and dumping grounds. These were not shanties hastily assembled under tarpaulin, but concrete blocks sold to unsuspecting middle-class buyers. Many put their life savings into flats they believed carried proper approvals. Courts later deemed the buildings illegal, and demolition crews reduced them to rubble. The families were left with neither home nor hope.


Such projects, prosecutors say, were not the product of clerical oversight. They were the output of a ‘rate card’ system in which builders allegedly paid bribes of Rs. 20–50 per square foot for speedy, unimpeded clearances. The payments, channelled through a web of middlemen, architects and complicit municipal officials, were allegedly collected by Pawar and his deputy, Y. S. Reddy.


The trail of money, investigators claim, did not end at brown envelopes. Shell companies in the names of Pawar’s wife, daughters, and other relatives acted as laundering vehicles. Funds from ‘redevelopment projects’ - a favourite avenue for mingling illicit and legitimate earnings - were routed through these entities to give the cash a veneer of legality.


The paper trail was accompanied by a physical one. ED raids on a dozen premises tied to Pawar, including homes and offices in Mumbai, Nashik and Vasai-Virar, turned up Rs. 1.33 crore in cash and property documents allegedly linked to the scam. Earlier raids on Reddy’s Hyderabad residence had produced Rs. 8.6 crore in cash and gold and jewellery worth Rs. 23.2 crore.


When agents came knocking, Pawar reportedly refused to open his door for over two hours and tried to erase WhatsApp chats and call logs. The encrypted messages that survived  revealed code names: “D” for the Deputy Director of Town Planning, Reddy; “C” for the Commissioner (Pawar himself) who, the ED says, was the final collector.


The case might have stayed a bureaucratic scandal but for an inconvenient family tree. Pawar is a distant relative of Maharashtra’s School Education Minister, Dadaji Bhuse. That link was enough to set off a political dogfight. Sanjay Raut of the Shiv Sena (Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray faction) accused Bhuse of greasing Pawar’s appointment as Commissioner. Bhuse has admitted to the connection (his niece married into Pawar’s family) but insists he had no role in the posting. Political rivals seem unconvinced.


For the buyers who have lost homes, the political theatrics are cold comfort. In Vasai-Virar, as in much of India’s urban periphery, the promise of affordable housing is often tethered to the hazards of opaque approvals. Municipalities are meant to be custodians of the public interest; instead, they often resemble auction houses where zoning and safety norms are traded to the highest bidder.


The scandal also exposes the vulnerability of development-plan safeguards. The land that hosted these doomed buildings was officially reserved for sewage treatment and waste disposal—public-health essentials in a city of 1.3 million. Once those safeguards were bypassed, the city was left not only with dispossessed residents but also with diminished capacity to manage its waste and sewage in the future.


There is a cyclical logic to such scams. Political leaders lobby for pliant officials in municipal bodies. Those officials enable illegal projects, which in turn generate funds that grease political machines. By the time enforcement agencies arrive, the victims are too numerous and too cash-strapped to litigate effectively. Builders declare bankruptcy or vanish. Buyers cannot reclaim their investments.


Pawar’s arrest comes at a time when public confidence in local governance is already fragile. The Maharashtra government’s general administration department is now reviewing all major decisions he took as Commissioner. More heads could roll. Opposition parties are certain to keep the story alive in the Assembly, drawing attention to ministerial connections and the apparent ease with which checks and balances were sidestepped.


There are larger lessons. First, urban planning enforcement needs insulation from political interference. Without independent oversight, municipalities will remain fertile ground for such rackets. Second, buyers need better legal recourse. In countries with more mature housing markets, escrow systems or insurance guarantees protect purchasers if projects are later deemed illegal. In India, the burden falls almost entirely on the individual.


Finally, there is the question of deterrence. The Prevention of Money Laundering Act, under which Pawar has been booked, is one of the country’s most stringent. Yet it is only as effective as its prosecutions.


For all the symbolism of Independence Day, the Vasai-Virar episode reminds citizens that freedom is more than the absence of colonial rule. It is also freedom from the petty tyrannies of local corruption, from the predations of well-connected middlemen, and from the bureaucratic collusion that can turn a dream home into a demolition site.


Who else, beyond the two arrested officers, benefited from this network? Why did internal auditors or planning committees fail to flag the illegal approvals? How many similar schemes tick away quietly in other municipal jurisdictions? Until these questions are answered, the scandal will remain more symptom than cure.


(The Writer is a communication professional. Views personal.)

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