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By:

Rajiv Shah

22 September 2025 at 8:32:23 pm

New Alliances, New Pressures, New Fault Lines

To its west, old relationships in the Gulf are acquiring new strategic and military dimensions. Across the Atlantic, Washington is increasingly using tariffs as an instrument of foreign policy. At the same time, India holds the BRICS presidency in 2026 and prepares to host its summit when the grouping is being watched in the West as a potential challenge to the American-dominated global financial order. Individually, these developments may appear unrelated. Put together, they reveal a larger...

New Alliances, New Pressures, New Fault Lines

To its west, old relationships in the Gulf are acquiring new strategic and military dimensions. Across the Atlantic, Washington is increasingly using tariffs as an instrument of foreign policy. At the same time, India holds the BRICS presidency in 2026 and prepares to host its summit when the grouping is being watched in the West as a potential challenge to the American-dominated global financial order. Individually, these developments may appear unrelated. Put together, they reveal a larger geopolitical churn in which alliances, energy, trade, currencies and economic coercion are becoming interconnected. India finds itself almost at its centre. The emerging Saudi Arabia–Türkiye–Pakistan security equation deserves particular attention. Saudi Arabia brings enormous financial and energy influence; Türkiye possesses considerable military strength, NATO experience and an expanding defence industry; Pakistan brings a large military establishment and nuclear capability with the open support of Washington. Any arrangement containing a collective-defence commitment naturally acquires significance beyond ordinary diplomatic cooperation. Alongside it, another strategic convergence has gradually developed among India, Israel and the UAE. It would be incorrect to describe this as a formal military alliance. Yet geopolitics does not operate through defence treaties alone. India's extensive defence and technology relationship with Israel, its rapidly expanding economic and strategic partnership with the UAE, and the UAE-Israel relationship following the Abraham Accords have created considerable common ground. I2U2—bringing together India, Israel, the UAE and the United States—added another institutional dimension. Thus, without necessarily becoming opposing military camps, two interesting strategic formations are visible across West Asia: Saudi Arabia–Türkiye–Pakistan and the looser India–UAE–Israel convergence. Balancing Challenge India faces a similar balancing challenge. The Gulf is not a distant geopolitical theatre for New Delhi. Nearly nine million Indians live and work there. India's energy security, investments, trade and remittance flows are closely connected with the region. The proposed India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor also requires relative stability across this geography. Polarisation in West Asia can therefore rapidly become an Indian economic and strategic problem. There is another question Indian planners cannot ignore. If a future India-Pakistan confrontation escalates, how would any collective-defence commitment involving Pakistan be interpreted by Saudi Arabia and Türkiye? It would be alarmist to assume that either country would automatically enter a conflict against India. Saudi Arabia, in particular, has substantial economic and strategic interests in maintaining good relations with New Delhi. Nevertheless, defence planners are paid to examine possibilities before they become crises. While these equations develop in India's neighbourhood, economic pressure is emerging from Washington. The US Senate has voted 86–11 for legislation intended to increase pressure on Russia by targeting major purchasers of Russian energy. The measure could authorise tariffs reaching 100 per cent against goods from countries continuing large-scale purchases of Russian oil and gas, with India among those potentially exposed. China is powerful enough to shrug off similar challenges from the West." However this does not mean that America has already imposed a 100 per cent tariff on India. Further legislative steps remain necessary, and presidential waiver provisions are important. But the overwhelming Senate vote carries a political message that New Delhi cannot dismiss. Tariffs are no longer merely tools of trade protection; they have become instruments of geopolitical coercion. Washington's argument is understandable: revenues from Russian petroleum help sustain Moscow's economy during the Ukraine war, and reducing those revenues increases pressure on Russia. But in that case what about European countries who too were/are customers of Russian oil? India's question is equally legitimate: who should determine where India purchases the energy required by more than 1.4 billion people? If Russian crude remains commercially advantageous and helps contain domestic energy costs, New Delhi cannot reasonably be expected to make every energy decision according to another country's geopolitical priorities. Strategic partnership cannot become strategic obedience. This is where BRICS enters the larger picture. India holds the BRICS presidency in 2026 and will host its leaders at an unusually sensitive moment. BRICS is no longer merely the original grouping of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. Its expansion has considerably increased its demographic, energy and geopolitical weight. More importantly, discussions around BRICS increasingly touch a sensitive nerve in Washington: alternative payment mechanisms, local-currency trade, development finance and the possibility of gradually reducing dependence upon the dollar-dominated international financial system. The BRICS Summit this time is poised to take some decisive steps which may affect western interests especially US. (The writer is an advocate, legal, geopolitical and public policy analyst. Views personal.)

The Price of a Plot

A municipal scam in Vasai-Virar lays bare how India’s urban governance often serves builders and politicians better than its citizens.

As India marked its 79th Independence Day, the flutter of tricolours in the monsoon breeze masked a less uplifting sight of an officer of the elite Indian Administrative Service being led away in handcuffs. Anil Kumar Pawar, until recently Commissioner of the Vasai-Virar City Municipal Corporation (VVCMC), was arrested by the Enforcement Directorate (ED) in connection with a sprawling money-laundering and illegal construction racket.


His fall, far more than just another corruption story, is a parable about the rot in India’s municipal governance, the pliability of urban planning laws and the political patronage networks that enable them.


The ED alleges that under Pawar’s watch in 2022, no fewer than 41 residential and commercial buildings sprouted illegally on land meant for sewage treatment plants and dumping grounds. These were not shanties hastily assembled under tarpaulin, but concrete blocks sold to unsuspecting middle-class buyers. Many put their life savings into flats they believed carried proper approvals. Courts later deemed the buildings illegal, and demolition crews reduced them to rubble. The families were left with neither home nor hope.


Such projects, prosecutors say, were not the product of clerical oversight. They were the output of a ‘rate card’ system in which builders allegedly paid bribes of Rs. 20–50 per square foot for speedy, unimpeded clearances. The payments, channelled through a web of middlemen, architects and complicit municipal officials, were allegedly collected by Pawar and his deputy, Y. S. Reddy.


The trail of money, investigators claim, did not end at brown envelopes. Shell companies in the names of Pawar’s wife, daughters, and other relatives acted as laundering vehicles. Funds from ‘redevelopment projects’ - a favourite avenue for mingling illicit and legitimate earnings - were routed through these entities to give the cash a veneer of legality.


The paper trail was accompanied by a physical one. ED raids on a dozen premises tied to Pawar, including homes and offices in Mumbai, Nashik and Vasai-Virar, turned up Rs. 1.33 crore in cash and property documents allegedly linked to the scam. Earlier raids on Reddy’s Hyderabad residence had produced Rs. 8.6 crore in cash and gold and jewellery worth Rs. 23.2 crore.


When agents came knocking, Pawar reportedly refused to open his door for over two hours and tried to erase WhatsApp chats and call logs. The encrypted messages that survived  revealed code names: “D” for the Deputy Director of Town Planning, Reddy; “C” for the Commissioner (Pawar himself) who, the ED says, was the final collector.


The case might have stayed a bureaucratic scandal but for an inconvenient family tree. Pawar is a distant relative of Maharashtra’s School Education Minister, Dadaji Bhuse. That link was enough to set off a political dogfight. Sanjay Raut of the Shiv Sena (Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray faction) accused Bhuse of greasing Pawar’s appointment as Commissioner. Bhuse has admitted to the connection (his niece married into Pawar’s family) but insists he had no role in the posting. Political rivals seem unconvinced.


For the buyers who have lost homes, the political theatrics are cold comfort. In Vasai-Virar, as in much of India’s urban periphery, the promise of affordable housing is often tethered to the hazards of opaque approvals. Municipalities are meant to be custodians of the public interest; instead, they often resemble auction houses where zoning and safety norms are traded to the highest bidder.


The scandal also exposes the vulnerability of development-plan safeguards. The land that hosted these doomed buildings was officially reserved for sewage treatment and waste disposal—public-health essentials in a city of 1.3 million. Once those safeguards were bypassed, the city was left not only with dispossessed residents but also with diminished capacity to manage its waste and sewage in the future.


There is a cyclical logic to such scams. Political leaders lobby for pliant officials in municipal bodies. Those officials enable illegal projects, which in turn generate funds that grease political machines. By the time enforcement agencies arrive, the victims are too numerous and too cash-strapped to litigate effectively. Builders declare bankruptcy or vanish. Buyers cannot reclaim their investments.


Pawar’s arrest comes at a time when public confidence in local governance is already fragile. The Maharashtra government’s general administration department is now reviewing all major decisions he took as Commissioner. More heads could roll. Opposition parties are certain to keep the story alive in the Assembly, drawing attention to ministerial connections and the apparent ease with which checks and balances were sidestepped.


There are larger lessons. First, urban planning enforcement needs insulation from political interference. Without independent oversight, municipalities will remain fertile ground for such rackets. Second, buyers need better legal recourse. In countries with more mature housing markets, escrow systems or insurance guarantees protect purchasers if projects are later deemed illegal. In India, the burden falls almost entirely on the individual.


Finally, there is the question of deterrence. The Prevention of Money Laundering Act, under which Pawar has been booked, is one of the country’s most stringent. Yet it is only as effective as its prosecutions.


For all the symbolism of Independence Day, the Vasai-Virar episode reminds citizens that freedom is more than the absence of colonial rule. It is also freedom from the petty tyrannies of local corruption, from the predations of well-connected middlemen, and from the bureaucratic collusion that can turn a dream home into a demolition site.


Who else, beyond the two arrested officers, benefited from this network? Why did internal auditors or planning committees fail to flag the illegal approvals? How many similar schemes tick away quietly in other municipal jurisdictions? Until these questions are answered, the scandal will remain more symptom than cure.


(The Writer is a communication professional. Views personal.)

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