The Thackerays’ Blank Slate

A humiliating defeat in a union election shows the cousins’ brand no longer guarantees loyalty in Mumbai.

In a stunning reversal, the joint ‘Utkarsh’ panel led by Uddhav Thackeray and Raj Thackeray - a coalition of Shiv Sena (UBT) and the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) - failed to win even a single seat in the elections for the BEST Employees’ Co-operative Credit Society. The result ended nearly a decade of unbroken dominance by the Thackeray faction in this powerful employee body, raising fresh questions about the cousins’ much-hyped reunion ahead of the all-important Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections.

For nine years, the society, often seen as a barometer of Mumbai’s working-class mood, was firmly under Thackeray influence. Yet this time, despite contesting jointly under the Utkarsh banner, the alliance was wiped out.

The contest was more than a battle for control of a co-operative. It was a symbolic test of whether the cousins (hitherto bitter rivals) could harness their combined appeal to revive ‘Brand Thackeray’ in Mumbai politics. Instead, the field was swept by Shashank Rao’s panel, which won 14 seats, and the BJP-supported “Sahakar Samruddhi” panel, marshalled by MLA Prasad Lad, which secured the remaining seven. Together, they shunted the Thackerays out.

Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis crowed that “the Thackeray brand was rejected,” arguing that politicising a traditionally non-political body had backfired. Mumbai BJP president Ashish Shelar echoed him, insisting the cousins’ gamble had alienated the very constituency they hoped to woo.

On the losing side, there was anger. Suhas Samant, president of the BEST Kamgar Sena (UBT), accused BJP of flooding the election with money and influence.

Money and muscle may have played their part. But many argue the cousins’ defeat was rooted in organisational weakness. Shashank Rao, son of the late trade-union stalwart Sharad Rao, inherited not just a legacy but deep grassroots networks among BEST workers. His panel was seen as accessible and consistent, engaged with employee concerns beyond election season.

One veteran observer said the election wasn’t just about the credit society but about trust and presence. Rao’s panel showed they were part of daily struggles. The Thackerays barged in with theatrics but no track record in this space.

The result underlined a truth the Thackerays find uncomfortable: organisational presence on the ground matters more than symbolic unity or nostalgia. The loss was doubly symbolic because it was the first election the cousins contested together and they drew a blank.

The very next day, Raj Thackeray met Fadnavis, fuelling speculation of recalibration and possible realignment. Analysts noted that while their reunion generated buzz, it failed to persuade voters who sought performance, not sentiment.

For BJP, the outcome was a morale booster. Shelar called it a “sign of shifting trust,” claiming voters were moving away from identity-based politics towards development-centric agendas.

Normally, the BEST Employees’ Co-operative Credit Society election would pass unnoticed. This year, though, it mattered because BEST, far more than just a transport utility, is one of Mumbai’s largest employers, deeply rooted in the Marathi working class. Controlling its society has long been a badge of influence. That is why the defeat punctured the narrative of a Thackeray revival and encouraged BJP to project itself as the new inheritor of worker trust.

Commentators noted that the result mirrors a broader shift in that the Thackeray name, once synonymous with the Marathi manoos, may no longer guarantee loyalty without sustained grassroots work. Sena (UBT) leader Sanjay Raut tried to shrug it off by remarking that the election was not an exam. He insisted that it was the BMC elections that would be the true test. But behind the bravado lies recognition that the cousins face a reckoning. Symbolic unity has not yielded dividends. Without reconnecting with ground-level workers and offering a credible agenda, the Thackerays risk irrelevance in Mumbai’s civic politics.

The key lesson from the BEST vote is not just about winners and losers, but about political style and strategy.

For BJP, the result validates its mantra of being in “permanent election mode.” Whether a general election or a housing-society ballot, the party contests with the same seriousness and machinery. Since 2014, BJP has treated every election as one to be won, and this victory shows the formula works.

For the Thackerays, the cousins must confront reality: charisma and legacy are not enough. Without organisation, outreach, and credible worker-centric politics, symbolic gestures will wither. Their alliance was meant to project strength; instead, it exposed weakness.

For Mumbai politics, the vote revealed that even small contests can serve as mood indicators. The working class, particularly in public-sector bastions like BEST, may no longer be swayed by emotional appeals. Practicality, presence and performance now matter most. The defeat of the Thackeray cousins in the BEST elections has redefined the city’s political landscape. What was billed as a show of unity and revival turned into a humbling lesson in the limits of legacy politics.

For BJP, it reaffirmed the utility of contesting every poll with full force. For Shashank Rao, it vindicated decades of patient grassroots work. For the Thackerays, it was a wake-up call: reinvent or risk irrelevance.

As Mumbai heads into the high-stakes BMC poll, the clear message is that politics is no longer about brand names alone. It is about organisation, presence and the ability to connect with voters where it matters most: on the ground.

(The writer is a communication professional. Views Personal.)