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By:

Uday Jogalekar

13 May 2026 at 3:25:14 pm

From Pracharak to Minister: My Memories of Dilipda

Long before he became a minister, Dilipda had already earned our respect through his simplicity, discipline, and warmth. In 2007, my job brought me to Kolkata. Once there, I began attending the local RSS shakha and gradually became involved in Sangh work. I first met Dilipda during a visit to a swayamsevak’s home. Coincidentally, that same year, he had been appointed to our division. As everyone introduced themselves, Dilipda casually asked me in Marathi, “How are you finding Bengal?” Hearing...

From Pracharak to Minister: My Memories of Dilipda

Long before he became a minister, Dilipda had already earned our respect through his simplicity, discipline, and warmth. In 2007, my job brought me to Kolkata. Once there, I began attending the local RSS shakha and gradually became involved in Sangh work. I first met Dilipda during a visit to a swayamsevak’s home. Coincidentally, that same year, he had been appointed to our division. As everyone introduced themselves, Dilipda casually asked me in Marathi, “How are you finding Bengal?” Hearing a Bengali pracharak — a full-time RSS worker devoted to organisational work — speak fluent Marathi came as a pleasant surprise to me. From that moment onwards, my interactions with Dilipda increased, and I gradually began to understand the many dimensions of his seemingly simple personality. Coming from Maharashtra, where Sangh work generally faced non-violent opposition, adapting to Bengal — where the opposition was often violent — was not easy. In that atmosphere, I learnt from Dilipda how to remain enthusiastic while also keeping fellow workers motivated and active. I often accompanied Dilipda during his visits to our area. He had a remarkable ability to blend effortlessly into any household, warmly enquire about every family member, and make everyone feel as though he were one of their own. Before being appointed to Kolkata, Dilipda had served as an RSS pracharak in the remote Andaman Islands from around 1999–2000 until 2007. Based in Port Blair, he worked under difficult conditions despite limited travel and communication facilities, diverse tribes speaking different languages, and a local mindset that often kept outsiders at a distance. He would often share positive experiences from his years in the Andamans but never once spoke about the hardships he endured. Despite working in such difficult conditions, he never mentioned his personal discomforts. This ability to remain free of complaints despite adversity is a hallmark of a pracharak, and Dilipda embodied it completely. He possessed the rare gift of finding positivity even in challenging situations. Excellent Cook In Bengal during 2007, Sangh work had not yet expanded to the scale it has reached today. At times, pracharaks had to cook their own meals, and this had made Dilipda an excellent cook. Whenever he returned to the city from his travels, our group would eagerly gather to enjoy his khichdi. Our area, Bidhannagar, was located in Salt Lake, a relatively prosperous locality. Adjacent to it were a few underprivileged settlements, and we would occasionally visit the nearby market. To reach the market from Salt Lake, one had to cross a wooden bridge, where the toll was 25 paise for pedestrians and one rupee for bicycles. Observing the difficulties faced by people in those settlements, Dilipda once suggested starting some sewa (service) activity there. That eventually led to the establishment of a homoeopathic clinic in the locality. While setting up the clinic, Dilipda effortlessly guided us through every stage of planning — what arrangements were needed, how the process should be structured, and what challenges might arise. It felt as though the entire plan was already mapped out in his mind. As the clinic became operational, we began noticing the educational difficulties faced by the local children. English, science, and mathematics were particularly challenging subjects for them, which eventually led to the start of a study centre. The idea of involving engineers from Salt Lake’s IT companies also came from Dilipda. Later, by bringing together IT professionals, an “IT Milan” initiative was started, and many of them eventually became swayamsevaks actively involved in Sangh work. Remarkable Ability At the time, the CPM government was in power in Bengal, and there were many obstacles to conducting shakha activities. Dilipda constantly guided us on overcoming these challenges. He had a remarkable ability to identify work that could bring meaningful change, plan it carefully, and execute it with determination and effectiveness. Whether it was service activities, daily shakha work, or handling sensitive cases related to “Love Jihad", Dilipda consistently displayed dedication, clarity of thought, a fighting spirit, and an unwavering readiness to work tirelessly toward the objective. What amazes me even today is that a pracharak like Dilipda — someone far ahead of us in age, experience, and accomplishments — would interact so casually and warmly with ordinary swayamsevaks like us, placing a hand on our shoulders and speaking as though he were a close friend. In 2009, I was transferred back to Mumbai, bringing my Kolkata chapter to an end. Later, in 2014, I learned that Dilipda had been given responsibility in the BJP. And now, in 2026, the BJP forming a government on its own strength speaks volumes about its contribution and leadership. Today, Dilipda has become a minister, and many titles and honours will naturally be associated with him. But to us, he will always remain simply "Dilipda". (The writer is an entrepreneur based in Kalwa, Thane.)

Trouble in the House of Shinawatra

Thailand’s youngest prime minister stumbles as scandal, street protests and economic woes collide.

Thailand’s youngest and second-ever female prime minister, Paetongtarn Shinawatra, has found herself at the heart of a familiar storm: scandal, instability, and whispers of yet another coup. Just a year into her historic premiership, the 38-year-old scion of Thailand’s most polarising political dynasty has been suspended from office following the leak of a phone conversation with Cambodian strongman Hun Sen. The conversation, reportedly centred around a long-simmering border dispute, was explosive not for what was said but how it was said.


In the leaked clip, Paetongtarn appears to take a conciliatory tone on the cross-border tensions, which flared into deadly clashes in May, leaving at least one Cambodian soldier dead. That she referred to Hun Sen as “uncle” and called a senior Thai military commander her “opponent” only added fuel to the fire. Critics have accused her of betraying national interests; protesters have taken to the streets of Bangkok in droves. Her coalition, once touted as a phoenix-like return of the Shinawatra machine, has begun to crack. The defection of Deputy Prime Minister Suriya Jungrungreangkit, now acting as interim leader, is a blow that may prove fatal.


Few families have loomed as large over a democracy as the Shinawatras have over Thailand. The dynasty began with Thaksin, Paetongtarn’s father, a billionaire telecom tycoon who became prime minister in 2001 and governed with populist flair until he was ousted in a military coup in 2006. Since then, the family has remained both omnipresent and embattled. Thaksin’s brother-in-law briefly became prime minister in 2008, followed by his sister Yingluck, who met the same fate as Thaksin: deposed by the military in 2014. In 2023, Paetongtarn led the Pheu Thai party’s election campaign while heavily pregnant, only to fall short at the ballot box. But after the removal of Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin by Thailand’s Constitutional Court in August 2024, she was anointed by the ruling coalition as the compromise candidate. Her premiership, ratified in Parliament without contest, marked a generational handover - but one laced with peril.


Paetongtarn, or Ung Ing as she is affectionately known, was groomed for power in the shadows of Thai politics. At eight, she followed her father into foreign ministry corridors. At 20, she sheltered with her family in a safe house during the 2006 coup. Two years later, she watched her father flee into exile. But if these traumas left scars, they also instilled steel. Educated in Thailand and Britain, she worked in the family’s business empire before plunging into politics in 2021.


But the once-iron grip of the Shinawatra clan on rural and working-class voters has slackened. The 2023 general election marked the first time in over two decades that their party failed to dominate. In power, Paetongtarn has struggled to assert herself amid factionalism, elite suspicion, and rising public discontent. Her signature policy - a much-hyped digital wallet scheme to inject stimulus via cash handouts - remains undelivered. Meanwhile, the country’s economic woes have only deepened.


The SET stock index has plunged over 20 percent this year alone. Foreign investment is now fleeing in response to political instability and unresolved trade disputes. A volatile border and diplomatic faux pas with Cambodia will hardly help. Analysts worry that critical negotiations with the United States on tariffs and investment could be derailed. Businesses are in limbo. The public is losing patience.


The political arithmetic is no more encouraging. Paetongtarn’s suspension by the Constitutional Court has triggered a 15-day window during which the court will decide whether to dismiss her permanently. A no-confidence motion looms in Parliament. If it passes, it could precipitate an early election or a cabinet reshuffle that further sidelines the Shinawatras. The military, though officially aloof, is watching. Thailand has seen a dozen successful coups since 1932. In a country where uniforms often trump ballots, the risk of another is never far off.


What makes Paetongtarn’s position especially precarious is not just her youth, or even the dynasty she embodies, but the toxic polarisation of Thai politics. Royalists, old-guard generals, and conservative elites have long viewed the Shinawatras as interlopers, manipulating democracy to serve populist ends. Meanwhile, her supporters see her as the best hope for modernising the country and ending the cycle of coups and court interventions. But neither camp is ascendant today.


As Thailand edges closer to the precipice, Paetongtarn faces a brutal lesson: in Thai politics, it is not enough to inherit a name. One must also survive it.

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