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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

‘Bharat Ratna to Savarkar will increase its prestige’

Mumbai: Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Sarsanghachalak Dr. Mohan Bhagwat on Sunday threw his full weight behind the long-standing demand to confer the Bharat Ratna on Swatantryaveer Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, asserting that the Hindutva ideologue’s inclusion would enhance the dignity of the country’s highest civilian honour. Bhagwat, who explained the genesis and growth of the RSS over past 100 years in two lectures at the Nehru Centre here on Saturday and Sunday, replied to several...

‘Bharat Ratna to Savarkar will increase its prestige’

Mumbai: Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Sarsanghachalak Dr. Mohan Bhagwat on Sunday threw his full weight behind the long-standing demand to confer the Bharat Ratna on Swatantryaveer Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, asserting that the Hindutva ideologue’s inclusion would enhance the dignity of the country’s highest civilian honour. Bhagwat, who explained the genesis and growth of the RSS over past 100 years in two lectures at the Nehru Centre here on Saturday and Sunday, replied to several questions. While replying to one of the questions, he remarked, “If Swatantraveer Savarkar is given the Bharat Ratna, the prestige of the Bharat Ratna itself will increase.” He was asked, why there has been a delay in conferring the Bharat Ratna on Savarkar, in reply to which, Bhagwat said, “I am not part of that committee. But if I meet someone, I will ask. Even without that honour, he rules the hearts of millions of people.” he added. Social Divisions Bhagwat replied to questions that were clubbed in 14 different groups ranging from national security to environment, social harmony, youth, arts and sports. Whenever the questions suggested or expressed expectations that the RSS should do certain things, Bhagwat stressed on the involvement of the society and initiative from the society in resolving the problems. While addressing the critical issue of Uniform Civil Code, Bhagwat stated that the UCC should be framed by taking everyone into confidence and must not lead to social divisions. In the same way while replying to the question related to illegal migrants in the country, Bhagwat urged people to “detect and report” the “illegal infiltrators” to the police. He also urged people not to give them any employment and to be more “vigilant.” Backing SIR He highlighted that the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise has already revealed the “foreigners” living in the country. “The government has a lot to do regarding infiltration. They have to detect and deport. This wasn’t happening until now, but it has started little by little, and it will gradually increase. When the census or the SIR is conducted, many people come to light who are not citizens of this country; they are automatically excluded from the process,” he said. “But we can do one thing: we can work on detection. Their language gives them away. We should detect them and report them to the appropriate authorities. We should inform the police that we suspect these people are foreigners, and they should investigate and keep an eye on them, and we will also keep an eye on them. We will not give employment to any foreigner. If someone is from our country, we will give them employment, but not to foreigners. You should be a little more vigilant and aware,” he added. SC Chief Emphasising the inclusivity of the Sangh, he said that anyone can become ‘Sarsanghchalak’ (RSS chief), including the SC and STs, as the decision is solely dependent on the work that any individual put for the organisation. “Kshatriya, Vaishya, Shudra or Brahmin does not qualify for the Sarsanghchalak position (RSS Chief), a Hindu will become the one who works and is best available. A Hindu will become, and that can also be an SC or ST. Anyone can become it depends on the work. Today, if you see, all classes have representation in the Sangh. The decision is taken on the basis of one who works and is best available,” he said. He pointed out that when the RSS was founded, its work began in a Brahmin-dominated community and hence, most of its founders were Brahmins, which led to the organisation being labelled as a Brahmin outfit at the time. People always look for an organisation that has representatives from their community, he said. “If I were to choose a chief, I would go by the ‘best available candidate’ criterion. When I was appointed RSS chief, there were many best candidates, but they were not available. I was the one who could be relieved from duties and appointed,” he said. He said that to belong to the Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe communities is not a disqualification, and neither is being a Brahmin a qualification to become the RSS chief. Ready to step down if Sangh asks for Dr. Mohan Bhagwat on Sunday said the Sangh had asked him to continue working despite his age, while stressing that he would step down from the post whenever the organisation directs him to do so. “There is no election to the post of RSS chief. Regional and divisional heads appoint the chief. Generally, it is said that after turning 75, one should work without holding any post,” Bhagwat said. “I have completed 75 years and informed the RSS, but the organisation asked me to continue working. Whenever the RSS asks me to step down, I will do so, but retirement from work will never happen,” he said.

Will Trump’s Historic Win Usher a New Era of India-US Synergy?

Donald Trump’s return to the White House is arguably the most incredible political comeback in the annals of U.S. Presidential and political history. His victory not only secures the Republicans’ control of the Senate but also demonstrates his resilience. Defying attempts by the so-called ‘liberal media’ to bury him, surmounting impeachment attempts, legal battles, criminal charges, and dodging death itself - as he narrowly escaped an assassination attempt in July this year - Trump stormed back to office with his inimitable chutzpah.


He made history in becoming only the second U.S. President to win a non-consecutive election. Grover Cleveland did this more than a century ago with his wins in 1885 and 1893. Trump’s triumph in battleground states like Pennsylvania, Georgia, North Carolina, and Wisconsin, as well as his lead in Arizona, Nevada, and Michigan, signalled a formidable comeback, defying opinion polls which predicted a close contest between him and Kamala Harris.


In his Florida victory address, he signalled a continuation of his ‘America First’ approach with a mention of “closing the borders.” The question is what does it all translate for India?


From visas to defence and economic cooperation, Trump’s presidency will be significantly impacting the subcontinent. PM Narendra Modi, in his congratulatory post on X, alluded to Trump as his “friend,” hinting at the start of an era of cordial, pragmatic diplomacy that aligns with India’s strategic goals.


Immigration is the key area where Trump’s policies will influence India directly. Known for his firm and stringent stance on immigration, Trump’s previous administration had advocated a merit-based approach, particularly affecting the H-1B visa program. While this policy meant stricter visa criteria, it also underscored the value of highly skilled professionals - many of whom hail from India.


This ‘quality over quantity’ approach could enhance the reputation of Indian talent in the U.S., favouring the most qualified and highly-paid professionals. For India’s educated elite and STEM graduates, Trump’s selective approach may improve access to career opportunities in the U.S., particularly in sectors where talent shortages remain a concern.


However, Trump’s immigration policy also carries potential downsides. While it may benefit highly skilled professionals, Indian students pursuing liberal arts and humanities could face limited opportunities. Nonetheless, Trump’s meritocratic focus could enhance the appeal of Indian talent in critical fields, thereby consolidating the Indian-American community’s influence - a group that is making a string impression while becoming increasingly vocal in U.S. political circles.


Under Trump’s prior administration, U.S.-India trade relations had taken a rocky turn. The former President’s stringent approach on tariffs saw duties rise on 14% of Indian exports to the U.S., covering critical sectors. In retaliation, India raised tariffs on about 6% of U.S. exports to India, notably impacting California’s almond industry. The tariff escalation started in 2018, when Trump imposed duties on Indian steel and aluminium, citing national security concerns. The result: Indian steel exports to the U.S. plummeted by nearly half, even though they had already been limited due to earlier anti-dumping measures. India, as the world’s third-largest steel producer, had faced formidable setbacks in the U.S. market.


In contrast to the trade tensions during the Biden administration, a return of Trump’s tariffs might spur New Delhi to seek bilateral trade negotiations directly with Washington rather than through multilateral forums like the World Trade Organization. Although Trump’s hard-line stance on trade is unlikely to waver, Modi’s administration may find avenues to capitalize on the U.S. pivot away from Chinese manufacturing. The Indian government has courted global companies seeking to diversify their supply chains out of China, and Trump’s distaste for reliance on Beijing might accelerate this trend. For Indian sectors like pharmaceuticals, technology, and textiles, the potential for expanded market access could mitigate the sting of Trump’s trade protectionism.


Defence had fared considerably better. During his first term, Trump had laid the groundwork for a robust U.S.-India defence relationship. Agreements such as the Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA) paved the way for intelligence and technology sharing.


The Modi government sees opportunity in Trump’s intent to expand defence ties, likely facilitating joint military exercises, high-tech arms sales, and intelligence-sharing to reinforce regional stability. For Modi, Trump’s transactional approach could mean enhanced access to cutting-edge U.S. technology, a key asset in fortifying India’s standing as a regional power.


His administration saw India as a crucial counterweight to China, culminating in high-profile arms deals that provided India with advanced military equipment like Apache and Chinook helicopters. With his return, Trump is expected to intensify defence cooperation, strengthening India’s stance in the Quad - a strategic alliance involving the U.S., India, Japan, and Australia that aims to counterbalance China’s influence in the Indo-Pacific. For India, closer ties with Washington represent an essential buffer against Chinese assertiveness, especially in areas like the South China Sea and along its own borders.


Additionally, the Trump administration’s focus on Indo-Pacific security may result in deeper military collaborations, intelligence-sharing initiatives, and advanced technology transfers. Under Trump, the U.S. pushed for India’s role in regional security, and a second term would likely bolster this partnership through more joint military exercises and strategic dialogues. Modi’s government will look to leverage Trump’s stance on China to solidify India’s position as a regional power, especially as it contends with Beijing’s infrastructure projects under the Belt and Road Initiative.


Both Trump and Modi share a nationalist vision that has translated into a warm relationship. Trump’s return could revive the personal diplomacy between the two leaders, as evidenced in past events like the “Howdy Modi” rally in Houston in 2019. This rapport is particularly valuable to Modi’s administration, which appreciates Trump’s transactional, results-driven approach to foreign policy. Unlike the ideological undertones that coloured the Biden administration’s foreign policy, Trump’s pragmatism offers India a freer hand in pursuing its domestic agenda. Issues like Kashmir, which drew criticism from Western nations, may face less scrutiny under Trump, who has often prioritized economic and security partnerships over human rights concerns.


This support for India’s internal policies, particularly in contentious areas like Kashmir, would allow Modi to pursue his domestic initiatives without external pressure (had Harris come to power), especially from Western human rights advocates. With Trump’s focus on immediate benefits over moral alignment, Modi’s government may find it easier to engage with the U.S. on issues that align with India’s strategic interests.


Economically, Trump’s tough stance on China could have ripple effects that benefit India. Modi’s administration has positioned India as a desirable alternative to China for global corporations seeking more diversified supply chains. With Trump’s focus on reducing U.S. dependence on Chinese manufacturing, Indian firms could see new opportunities to expand exports to the U.S., especially in sectors like pharmaceuticals, IT services, and textiles. India’s burgeoning digital economy could also benefit from Trump’s aversion to multilateral trade agreements, as his administration would likely prioritize bilateral deals. This approach suits Modi’s vision of ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’ (self-reliant India) and could drive investment flows into India’s manufacturing and tech sectors.


With Trump’s re-election, India stands to benefit from a shift in U.S. global priorities. Trump’s reluctance to engage in protracted foreign entanglements aligns with India’s own independent foreign policy aspirations. India is likely to enjoy greater latitude to shape South Asian security dynamics, especially concerning Pakistan and Afghanistan. In a Trump-Modi world, India’s role as a regional stabilizer could gain momentum.


As the world recalibrates in the wake of Trump’s win, Modi’s India stands well-positioned to advance its strategic interests, fostering an advantageous partnership in the evolving U.S.-India alliance. Donald is here to stay, and India seems the better for it!

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