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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city...

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city will get a ‘Hindu Marathi’ person to head India’s richest civic body, while the Opposition Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena also harbour fond hopes of a miracle that could ensure their own person for the post. The Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) optimism stems from expectations of possible political permutations-combinations that could develop with a realignment of forces as the Supreme Court is hearing the cases involving the Shiv Sena-Nationalist Congress Party this week. Catapulted as the largest single party, the BJP hopes to install a first ever party-man as Mayor, but that may not create history. Way back in 1982-1983, a BJP leader Dr. Prabhakar Pai had served in the top post in Mumbai (then Bombay). Incidentally, Dr. Pai hailed from Udupi district of Karnataka, and his appointment came barely a couple of years after the BJP was formed (1980), capping a distinguished career as a city father, said experts. Originally a Congressman, Dr. Pai later shifted to the Bharatiya Janata Party, then back to Congress briefly, founded the Janata Seva Sangh before immersing himself in social activities. Second Administrator The 2026 Mayoral elections have evoked huge interest not only among Mumbaikars but across the country as it comes after nearly four years since the BMC was governed by an Administrator. This was only the second time in the BMC history that an Administrator was named after April 1984-May 1985. On both occasions, there were election-related issues, the first time the elections got delayed for certain reasons and the second time the polling was put off owing to Ward delimitations and OBC quotas as the matter was pending in the courts. From 1931 till 2022, Mumbai has been lorded over by 76 Mayors, men and women, hailing from various regions, backgrounds, castes and communities. They included Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Parsis, Sikhs, even a Jew, etc., truly reflecting the cosmopolitan personality of the coastal city and India’s financial powerhouse. In 1931-1932, the Mayor was a Parsi, J. B. Boman Behram, and others from his community followed like Khurshed Framji Nariman (after whom Nariman Point is named), E. A. Bandukwala, Minoo Masani, B. N. Karanjia and other bigwigs. There were Muslims like Hoosenally Rahimtoola, Sultan M. Chinoy, the legendary Yusuf Meherally, Dr. A. U. Memon and others. The Christian community got a fair share of Mayors with Joseph A. D’Souza – who was Member of Constituent Assembly representing Bombay Province for writing-approving the Constitution of India, M. U. Mascarenhas, P. A. Dias, Simon C. Fernandes, J. Leon D’Souza, et al. A Jew Elijah Moses (1937-1938) and a Sikh M. H. Bedi (1983-1984), served as Mayors, but post-1985, for the past 40 years, nobody from any minority community occupied the august post. During the silver jubilee year of the post, Sulochana M. Modi became the first woman Mayor of Mumbai (1956), and later with tweaks in the rules, many women ruled in this post – Nirmala Samant-Prabhavalkar (1994-1995), Vishakha Raut (997-1998), Dr. Shubha Raul (March 2007-Nov. 2009), Shraddha Jadhav (Dec. 2009-March 2012), Snehal Ambedkar (Sep. 2014-March 2017). The last incumbent (before the Administrator) was a government nurse, Kishori Pednekar (Nov. 2019-March 2022) - who earned the sobriquet of ‘Florence Nightingale’ of Mumbai - as she flitted around in her full white uniform at the height of the Covid-19 Pandemic, earning the admiration of the citizens. Mumbai Mayor – high-profile post The Mumbai Mayor’s post is considered a crucial step in the political ladder and many went on to become MLAs, MPs, state-central ministers, a Lok Sabha Speaker, Chief Ministers and union ministers. The formidable S. K. Patil was Mayor (1949-1952) and later served in the union cabinets of PMs Jawaharlal Nehru, Lah Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi; Dahyabhai V. Patel (1954-1955) was the son of India’s first Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel; Manohar Joshi (1976-1977) became the CM of Maharashtra, later union minister and Speaker of Lok Sabha; Chhagan Bhujbal (1985-1986 – 1990-1991) became a Deputy CM.

China’s ‘Grey-Zone’ Tactics in Bhutan: An Indian and International Challenge

Updated: Oct 30, 2024

Grey-Zone

According to a recent report published by Turquoise Roof, in 2016, China began constructing its first cross-border village within Bhutan’s customary borders and since then has built 22 villages across approximately 825 square kilometres. This constitutes around 2% of Bhutan’s total land area, in two main regions—eight in western Bhutan and 14 in the northeast.


These Chinese settlements comprise 752 residential blocks, housing nearly 7,000 people, including civilians, border police, military personnel, and construction workers. The Chinese authorities have relocated these individuals to previously unpopulated and remote areas.


China’s strategic motives behind building these villages are closely tied to its ongoing border negotiations with Bhutan, particularly its interest in the Doklam plateau. This 89-square-kilometer plateau, located in western Bhutan, holds significant military importance for China due to its proximity to India’s Siliguri Corridor—a narrow strip of land that connects mainland India to its northeastern states. Controlling Doklam would provide China with a tactical advantage in its long-standing rivalry with India.


Historically, China proposed a territorial “package deal” to Bhutan in 1990 to drop its claims over Bhutan’s northeastern territories in exchange for the Doklam plateau and surrounding regions in the west. Bhutan has been hesitant to accept the deal, primarily due to India’s security concerns and influence. Under the Indo-Bhutan Treaty, Bhutan is obliged to consider India’s strategic interests in its foreign and security policy decisions.


The report details a six-stage strategy employed by China that began in the early 1990s when Tibetan herders were sent into contested areas. Over time, China incrementally strengthened its presence by building shelters, sending military patrols, and constructing outposts. Eventually, road networks were developed, connecting these outposts to towns in Tibet. The final stage, starting in 2016, saw the construction of villages in these areas.


By relocating civilians and establishing administrative and military infrastructure, China seeks to solidify its presence in these areas. Once these villages are fully established, it becomes increasingly difficult for Bhutan to reclaim its sovereignty over the contested regions.


The report suggests that China’s strategy could lead to the permanent annexation of areas where these villages have been constructed, despite earlier promises to return some territories to Bhutan.


The residents of these villages, most of whom are Tibetan, face harsh climatic conditions, with many areas blocked by snow for several months each year. Despite these challenges, China provides financial incentives to relocatees, offering subsidies of 20,000 yuan (approximately $2,836) per person per year—comparable to the average per capita income of rural Tibetans.


For Bhutan, the loss of these territories poses significant cultural and religious implications, especially in areas like the Pagsamlung Valley, which holds religious importance for the Bhutanese people. Additionally, it disrupts local livelihoods and challenges Bhutan’s historical claims over these lands.


The lack of global scrutiny may have emboldened China to accelerate its village construction efforts. Since early 2023, the pace of construction has increased, with seven new villages being built in northeastern Bhutan. The report raises concerns that this pattern could set a dangerous precedent, where smaller nations struggle to resist territorial encroachment by larger powers.


While some of the villages in western Bhutan hold strategic military significance, providing oversight of key border passes, others in the northeast appear to have little military or security value. According to the report, the construction of these northeastern villages may serve as a bargaining tool aimed at pressuring Bhutan into ceding control of the more strategically important Doklam region.


These settlements, often referred to as “well-off border villages,” in Chinese media, are designed to establish facts on the ground that reinforce China’s claims of sovereignty. Much like China’s artificial islands in the South China Sea, these villages are part of a broader strategy to expand territorial control through non-military means, often referred to as “grey-zone” tactics.


While each village is equipped with administrative buildings, schools, health services, and connectivity infrastructure, they are not self-sustaining since the rugged terrain limits opportunities for traditional farming and animal husbandry. China has implemented various economic schemes to generate income for residents, including handicraft workshops and greenhouse farming. However, given the isolated nature of these villages, long-term economic viability remains a challenge.


To promote national identity and loyalty, the Chinese government encourages residents to participate in patriotic activities, such as flag-raising ceremonies and “border patrols,” intended to symbolise their role in defending China’s sovereignty.


The international community may face a growing challenge in addressing these subtle but impactful forms of territorial expansion. The situation in Bhutan is a stark reminder of the delicate balance of power in the Himalayas and the potential consequences of inaction on the global stage.


(The author is a foreign affairs expert. Views personal.)

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