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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

The Unequal Cousins

Raj Thackeray’s ‘sacrifice’ saved Shiv Sena (UBT) but sank the MNS Mumbai: In the volatile theatre of Maharashtra politics, the long-awaited reunion of the Thackeray cousins on the campaign trail was supposed to be the masterstroke that reclaimed Mumbai. The results of the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections, however, tell a story of tragic asymmetry. While the alliance has successfully helped the Shiv Sena (UBT) stem the saffron tide and regain lost ground, it has left Raj...

The Unequal Cousins

Raj Thackeray’s ‘sacrifice’ saved Shiv Sena (UBT) but sank the MNS Mumbai: In the volatile theatre of Maharashtra politics, the long-awaited reunion of the Thackeray cousins on the campaign trail was supposed to be the masterstroke that reclaimed Mumbai. The results of the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections, however, tell a story of tragic asymmetry. While the alliance has successfully helped the Shiv Sena (UBT) stem the saffron tide and regain lost ground, it has left Raj Thackeray’s Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) staring at an existential crisis. The final tally reveals a brutal reality for the MNS - Raj Thackeray played the role of the savior for his cousin, but in the process, he may have become the sole loser of the 2026 mandate. The worse part is that the Shiv Sena (UBT) is reluctant to accept this and is blaming Raj for the poor performance of his party leading to the defeat. A granular analysis of the ward-wise voting patterns exposes the fundamental flaw in this tactical alliance. The vote transfer, the holy grail of any coalition, operated strictly on a one-way street. Data suggests that the traditional MNS voter—often young, aggressive, and driven by regional pride—heeded Raj Thackeray’s call and transferred their votes to Shiv Sena (UBT) candidates in wards where the MNS did not contest. This consolidation was critical in helping the UBT hold its fortresses against the BJP's "Infra Man" juggernaut. However, the favor was not returned. In seats allocated to the MNS, the traditional Shiv Sena (UBT) voter appeared hesitant to back the "Engine" (MNS symbol). Whether due to lingering historical bitterness or a lack of instructions from the local UBT leadership, the "Torch" (UBT symbol) voters did not gravitate toward Raj’s candidates. The result? The UBT survived, while the MNS candidates were left stranded. ‘Second Fiddle’ Perhaps the most poignant aspect of this election was the shift in the personal dynamic between the Thackeray brothers. Decades ago, they parted ways over a bitter dispute regarding who would control the party helm. Raj, refusing to work under Uddhav, formed the MNS to chart his own path. Yet, in 2026, the wheel seems to have come full circle. By agreeing to contest a considerably lower number of seats and focusing his energy on the broader alliance narrative, Raj Thackeray tacitly accepted the role of "second fiddle." It was a pragmatic gamble to save the "Thackeray" brand from total erasure by the BJP-Shinde combine. While the brand survived, it is Uddhav who holds the equity, while Raj has been left with the debt. Charisma as a Charity Throughout the campaign, Raj Thackeray’s rallies were, as always, electric. His fiery oratory and charismatic presence drew massive crowds, a sharp contrast to the more somber tone of the UBT leadership. Ironically, this charisma served as a force multiplier not for his own party, but for his cousin’s. Raj acted as the star campaigner who energised the anti-BJP vote bank. He successfully articulated the anger against the "Delhi-centric" politics he accuses the BJP of fostering. But when the dust settled, the seats were won by UBT candidates who rode the wave Raj helped create. The MNS chief provided the wind for the sails, but the ship that docked in the BMC was captained by Uddhav. ‘Marathi Asmita’ Stung by the results and the realisation of the unequal exchange, Raj Thackeray took to social media shortly after the counting concluded. In an emotive post, he avoided blaming the alliance partner but instead pivoted back to his ideological roots. Urging his followers to "stick to the issue of Marathi Manoos and Marathi Asmita (pride)," Raj signaled a retreat to the core identity politics that birthed the MNS. It was a somber appeal, stripped of the bravado of the campaign, hinting at a leader who knows he must now rebuild from the rubble. The 2026 BMC election will be remembered as the moment Raj Thackeray proved he could be a kingmaker, even if it meant crowning the rival he once despised. He provided the timely help that allowed the Shiv Sena (UBT) to live to fight another day. But in the ruthless arithmetic of democracy, where moral victories count for little, the MNS stands isolated—a party that gave everything to the alliance and received nothing in return. Ironically, there are people within the UBT who still don’t want to accept this and on the contrary blame Raj Thackeray for dismal performance of the MNS, which they argue, derailed the UBT arithmetic. They state that had the MNS performed any better, the results would have been much better for the UBT.

India Needs a National Education Service

In our last piece, we discussed the need for a separate education budget. But the conversation can’t stop at allocation. A bigger budget, even a dedicated one, won’t move the needle if it isn’t tied to a professional team mandated to execute it. Policy without people to implement it is just paperwork. We need increased spending on education and a system built to deliver on that investment - a National Education Service that can turn vision into reality.


If we have a dedicated cadre for economists, why not for the educators who shape the future of every other profession?


India’s education system has grown; Literacy has risen from 12 percent in 1947 to nearly 77 percent today. Enrolment is high. School infrastructure is expanding. The Right to Education is enshrined in law. And yet, something foundational remains missing: a structured, professional system to support our teachers. Over the decades, India has produced policy after policy emphasizing teacher quality as central to educational transformation - from the Kothari Commission in 1966 to the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020. However, implementation remains fragmented, training is underfunded, and career pathways are vague. What’s missing is not insight but budget and institutional architecture.


If India is serious about reforming education, it must create a National Education Service (NES) - a dedicated cadre of educators, school leaders, academic specialists and public education managers with the same seriousness, structure and national vision as the Indian Economic Service (IES).


The IES was established in 1961 when India recognized that economic governance needed more than generalist administrators. Financial planning requires technical expertise. The result was a professional service of economists embedded across ministries and planning bodies.


This was not bureaucratic indulgence. It was strategic planning. If the economy warranted such investment in talent, why not education, the system that builds the people who make the economy?


What would the NES Do? An Indian Education Service would be designed to elevate the entire teaching and learning ecosystem. NES officers would be selected through national examinations and interviews, like the IAS or IES. Their training would go beyond theory to include pedagogy, leadership, contextual understanding and public systems management.


These officers would be deployed at district, state and national levels as teachers, academic leaders, curriculum developers, training mentors, policy advisors, assessment designers, and research leads.


Every officer would be assigned to districts or thematic portfolios with clearly defined goals, whether improving foundational literacy, enhancing teacher training or leading curriculum reform. Their work would be reviewed not through paperwork alone but via measurable learning outcomes, capacity-building indicators and peer evaluations.


NES officers would also play key roles in institutions like SCERTs, DIETs, NCERT, and NCTE, creating a system where field experience meets policy design. The NES would break the long-standing divide between bureaucrats and educators by creating a hybrid class of reflective practitioners and public servants.


One of the most significant gaps in the current system is that teacher qualification is often a one-time event. A B.Ed. degree at 23, followed by decades of classroom work with little structured support or skill renewal. That’s not how serious professions operate.


Doctors are licensed. Chartered accountants update their certifications. Commercial pilots log a minimum number of hours and assessments. Teaching, too, must adopt a model of lifelong learning.


An NES framework could mandate periodic license renewal every five years, backed by at least 100 hours of certified professional development. Rather a penalty, this is a quality assurance mechanism and an investment in our students.


Countries like Finland, Australia, and Singapore show that investing in a broader education ecosystem of research, policy and innovation yields better outcomes, from teacher retention to public trust. The NES aims to do the same for India.


India needs education professionals with real classroom experience to drive systemic reform. Yet, spending lags behind ambition. Against a 6 percent GDP target, allocations remain at 3.5–4 percent with teacher training often the first to be cut. The shortfall is unjust.


It’s time to build the system that builds the nation. We need to move beyond symbolic praise for teachers and give them a structure that supports growth, accountability and dignity. We need to create career pathways that attract the best minds to teach and lead education from the front. Build the cadre. Build the system. Build the future.


(The author is a learning and development professional. Views personal)

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