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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Red flag to green steel

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron...

Red flag to green steel

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron (DRI) and pellet plant. This ‘green steel’ project, part of LMEL’s push for an integrated steel complex in the region, is functioning not just as an industrial unit but as a crucial pillar in the Maharashtra government’s surrender-cum-rehabilitation policy. So far, LMEL, in coordination with the state government and the Gadchiroli Police, has provided employment and training to 68 surrendered Maoists and 14 members of families affected by Naxal violence, a total of 82 individuals, offering them a definitive pathway back to the mainstream. The Shift The transformation begins at the company’s dedicated Lloyds Skill Development and Training Centre at Konsari. Recognizing that many former cadres had limited formal education, the company implements a structured, skill-based rehabilitation model. They are trained in essential technical and operational skills required for plant administration, civil construction, and mechanical operations. For individuals like Govinda Atala, a former deputy commander, the change is palpable. “After surrendering, I got the right to live a new life,” Atala said. “I am very happy to get this job. I am now living my life on my own; there is no pressure on me now.” Suresh Hichame, who spent over a decade in the movement before surrendering in 2009 too echoed the sentiments. He realized the path of violence offered neither him nor his family any benefit. Moreover, his self-respecct was hurt. He knew several languages and carried out several crucial tasks for the banned organization remaining constantly under the shadow of death. Today, he works in the plant, receiving a steady monthly salary that enables him to care for his family—a basic dignity the ‘Red Ideology’ could never provide. The monthly salaries of the rehabilitated workers, typically ranging from Rs 13,000 to Rs 20,000, are revolutionary in a region long characterized by poverty and lack of opportunities. Trust, Stability The employment of former Maoists is a brave and calculated risk for LMEL, an industry that historically faced stiff opposition and even violence from the left wing extremist groups. LMEL’s management, however, sees it as an investment in inclusive growth and long-term stability for the district. The LMEL has emphasized the company’s commitment to training and facilitating career growth for the local populace, including the surrendered cadres. This commitment to local workforce upskilling is proving to be a highly effective counter-insurgency strategy, chipping away at the foundation of the Maoist movement: the exploitation of local grievances and lack of economic options. The reintegration effort extends beyond the factory floor. By providing stable incomes and a sense of purpose, LMEL helps the former rebels navigate the social transition. They are now homeowners, taxpayers, and active members of the community, replacing the identity of an outlaw with that of a respected employee. This social acceptance, coupled with economic independence, is the true measure of rehabilitation. The successful employment of cadres, some of whom were once high-ranking commanders, also sends a powerful message to those still active in the jungle: the path to a peaceful and prosperous life is open and tangible. It transforms the promise of government rehabilitation into a concrete reality. The plant, with its production of iron ore and steel, is physically transforming the region into an emerging industrial hub, and in doing so, it is symbolically forging the nation’s progress out of the ashes of extremism. The coordinated effort between private industry, the state government, and the Gadchiroli police is establishing a new environment of trust, stability, and economic progress, marking Gadchiroli’s transition from a Maoist hotbed to a model of inclusive and sustainable development.

Of Soap and Sentiment

Tamannaah Bhatia’s appointment as the face of Mysore Sandal Soap has led critics to accuse the Congress-led government of cultural disconnect and cosmetic marketing gimmicks.

Karnataka
Karnataka

In 1916, when the Maharaja of Mysore, Krishnaraja Wodeyar IV, launched the Mysore Sandal Soap brand, his ambition was not only to harness Karnataka’s rich reserves of sandalwood but to imbue a daily utility with regal cultural pride. Over a century later, the scent of that pride still lingers but is now mingled with the acrid smell of controversy.


The appointment of Bollywood actress Tamannaah Bhatia as the brand ambassador for Mysore Sandal Soap by the Congress-led Karnataka government has rubbed many the wrong way.


At the heart of the discontent lies the question of regional identity in an increasingly homogenised nation. Bhatia, though a multilingual performer with a career straddling several southern languages, hails from Mumbai and does not speak Kannada. Her appointment has provoked a flurry of protests from pro-Kannada organisations and opposition politicians, who view the decision as a betrayal of local pride and a snub to homegrown talent.


The fact that she has been offered Rs. 6.2 crore for the role, more than many Kannada actors earn in an entire year, has only added to the sense of outrage.


The Yuva Karnataka Vedike, one of the many activist groups leading the protests, staged a demonstration outside the Karnataka Soaps and Detergents Limited (KSDL) factory in Bengaluru. They argue that Mysore Sandal Soap, a profit-making enterprise with revenues reportedly exceeding Rs. 400 crores, has thrived for decades without the endorsement of celebrities. Why now, they ask, and why her?


To critics, this appointment is symbolic of what they perceive as a broader marginalisation of Kannada language and culture. The Maharaja’s original vision, they argue, was rooted in the assertion of a uniquely Karnataka identity - one that should have been reflected in the face promoting it. There is no dearth of local talent, they insist. Why not a Kannada actress like Rachita Ram or Hariprriya, who command loyalty within the state?


In 2018, the Karnataka Milk Federation tapped Puneeth Rajkumar, a beloved Kannada star, as the face of Nandini milk. That decision was met with jubilation precisely because it aligned with the cultural expectations of the Kannadiga public and he had endorsed KMF products without receiving any remuneration, following in the footsteps of his father, Dr. Rajkumar.


In 2023, the Tamil Nadu government had faced backlash when it overlooked Tamil actors in favour of Hindi-speaking personalities for a tourism campaign, reigniting calls for linguistic and regional representation.


This time, the Congress government in Karnataka is in a soup. MB Patil, the Minister for Large and Medium Industries, insists that the decision was guided by marketing logic, not politics. Bhatia, he claims, was selected after careful evaluation of celebrities with pan-India appeal, cost-effectiveness and significant digital presence. With over 28 million social media followers, she brings a reach that local stars may struggle to match.


But can a brand steeped in the ethos of Karnataka preserve its authenticity while chasing mass appeal?


The opposition BJP has seized upon the controversy to target the Congress government, accusing it of being out of touch with Kannadiga sentiment. Narayana Gowda of the Karnataka Defence Forum questioned not just the actress’s credentials but the opportunity cost of such an expensive endorsement, suggesting the funds could have been better deployed in education or healthcare.


Beyond the political theatre lies a deeper debate about the role of public sector undertakings in preserving cultural identity. KSDL, though a commercial entity, is a state-run firm. It bears the burden not just of turning a profit, but of reflecting the values of the people it ostensibly serves. If it becomes indistinguishable from a private company guided purely by market logic, what then remains of its original mission?


The Karnataka government should have recognised that brand equity, especially in products with storied pasts, is built not only on visibility but on trust. In a land where language, identity and pride are as potent as perfume, ignoring local sentiment may prove to be a costly misstep.

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