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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Gadchiroli SP declares Maoist menace ‘almost over’

Mumbai: In a resounding statement signalling a historic shift, Gadchiroli Superintendent of Police (SP) Neelotpal has declared the district, once the dark heart of the ‘Red Corridor,’ is on the verge of becoming completely free of the Naxal menace. The SP expressed absolute confidence in the complete eradication of the banned CPI (Maoist) presence, noting that the remaining cadres have dwindled to a mere handful. “There has been a sea change in the situation,” SP Neelotpal stated,...

Gadchiroli SP declares Maoist menace ‘almost over’

Mumbai: In a resounding statement signalling a historic shift, Gadchiroli Superintendent of Police (SP) Neelotpal has declared the district, once the dark heart of the ‘Red Corridor,’ is on the verge of becoming completely free of the Naxal menace. The SP expressed absolute confidence in the complete eradication of the banned CPI (Maoist) presence, noting that the remaining cadres have dwindled to a mere handful. “There has been a sea change in the situation,” SP Neelotpal stated, highlighting the dramatic turnaround. He revealed that from approximately 100 Maoist cadres on record in January 2024, the number has plummeted to barely 10 individuals whose movements are now confined to a very small pocket of the Bhamragad sub-division in South Gadchiroli, near the Chhattisgarh border. “North Gadchiroli is now free of Maoism. The Maoists have to surrender and join the mainstream or face police action... there is no other option.” The SP attributes this success to a meticulously executed multi-pronged strategy encompassing intensified anti-Maoist operations, a robust Civic Action Programme, and the effective utilisation of Maharashtra’s attractive surrender-cum-rehabilitation policy. The Gadchiroli Police, especially the elite C-60 commandos, have achieved significant operational milestones. In the last three years alone, they have neutralised 43 hardcore Maoists and achieved a 100 per cent success rate in operations without police casualties for nearly five years. SP Neelotpal highlighted that the security forces have aggressively moved to close the “security vacuum,” which was once an estimated 3,000 square kilometres of unpoliced territory used by Maoists for training and transit. The establishment of eight new police camps/Forward Operating Bases (FoBs) since January 2023, including in the remote Abujhmad foothills, has been crucial in securing these areas permanently. Winning Hearts, Minds The Civic Action Programme has been deemed a “game changer” by the SP. Through schemes like ‘Police Dadalora Khidaki’ and ‘Project Udaan’, the police have transformed remote outposts into service delivery centres, providing essential government services and employment opportunities. This sustained outreach has successfully countered Maoist propaganda and, most critically, resulted in zero Maoist recruitment from Gadchiroli for the last few years. Surrender Wave The state’s progressive rehabilitation policy has seen a massive influx of surrenders. “One sentiment is common among all the surrendered cadres: that the movement has ended, it has lost public support, and without public support, no movement can sustain,” the SP noted. The surrender of key figures, notably that of Mallojula Venugopal Rao alias ‘Bhupathi,’ a CPI (Maoist) Politburo member, and his wife Sangeeta, was a “landmark development” that triggered a surrender wave. Since June 2024, over 126 Maoists have surrendered. The rehabilitation program offers land, housing under the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana, and employment. Surrendered cadres are receiving skill training and are successfully transitioning into normal life, with around 70 already employed in the local Lloyds plant. A District Reborn The transformation of Gadchiroli is now moving beyond security concerns. With the decline of extremism, the district is rapidly moving towards development and normalcy. The implementation of development schemes, round-the-clock electricity, water supply, mobile towers, and new infrastructure like roads and bridges is being given top priority. He concludes that the police’s focus is now shifting from an anti-Maoist offensive to routine law-and-order policing, addressing new challenges like industrialisation, theft, and traffic management. With the Maoist movement in “complete disarray” and major strongholds like the Maharashtra-Madhya Pradesh-Chhattisgarh (MMC) Special Zone collapsing, the SP is highly optimistic. Gadchiroli is not just getting rid of the Naxal menace; it is embracing its future as a developing, peaceful district, well on track to meet the central government’s goal of eradicating Naxalism by March 31, 2026.

Steel and Signal

The subtext of Modi’s Bengaluru metro ride is to wrest narrative control from a Congress government equally determined to claim credit for the city’s long-delayed progress.

Karnataka
Karnataka

The optics were carefully engineered when Prime Minister Narendra Modi boarded the gleaming Yellow Line of Bengaluru’s metro flanked by Karnataka’s Congress chief minister Siddaramaiah and his wily deputy D.K. Shivakumar. The Prime Minister inaugurated a 19 km stretch from RV Road to Bommasandra, linking the city’s sprawling IT hub in Electronic City with the residential and industrial south. The line, part of Phase 2 of the metro, has cost Rs. 7,160 crore while adding 16 stations to what is now India’s second-largest metro network after Delhi’s.


But beneath the stainless-steel glamour, the ceremony was a classic exercise in political calibration. Karnataka, the BJP’s only foothold in southern India until it lost the state in the 2023 assembly election, remains a prize worth contesting. The Congress government has turned Bengaluru’s infrastructure woes into a cudgel against the BJP. Modi’s presence in the city, therefore, was less about cutting ribbons than cutting into Congress’s narrative.


The Yellow Line’s opening was a symbol of the BJP’s attempt to reassert relevance in a state. Bengaluru voters are aspirational but also weary of stalled infrastructure and choking congestion. If Modi can claim credit for delivering a marquee urban project despite its three-year delay caused by pandemic disruptions and supply-chain troubles after Indo-China tensions, the BJP hopes to chip away at Congress’s advantage.


That advantage is personified in Siddaramaiah and Shivakumar, a political double act as different in temperament as they are united in ambition. Siddaramaiah, the veteran socialist-turned-Congressman, delights in skewering Modi’s policies, most recently over Washington’s 50 percent tariff on Indian goods. Shivakumar, a master of ground-level mobilisation, has long been eyeing the chief minister’s post for himself while cultivating his image as Bengaluru’s chief fixer.


And yet, for a few hours on Sunday, hostilities were set aside. Cameras captured the trio smiling, chatting, and waving to crowds. The optics suited all parties: Modi as the statesman welcomed even by his fiercest critics; Siddaramaiah and Shivakumar as gracious hosts willing to share a platform in the name of Karnataka’s progress. The bonhomie signalled a grudging recognition on both sides that Bengaluru’s infrastructure cannot be weaponised without also being delivered.


For Congress, the challenge is to prevent Modi from owning the metro’s success. The project was initiated under previous governments and shepherded through multiple political regimes. Yet, as Indian voters have often shown, the leader who cuts the ribbon often reaps the political benefit, regardless of who laid the foundation. Modi’s metro ride, complete with selfies with students, was choreographed to reinforce his image as a man in motion.


The BJP’s Karnataka unit sees urban infrastructure as one of the few levers it can pull to regain ground. Rural discontent, caste politics and the Congress’s populist guarantees have eroded its reach elsewhere. But Bengaluru’s electorate is more susceptible to appeals about speed, connectivity, and modernisation - areas where the BJP believes it can outshine Congress.


History suggests the strategy is not far-fetched. The launch of the metro’s Purple Line between Baiyappanahalli and M.G. Road in 2011 was championed by the then BJP government under B.S. Yediyurappa, which touted it as proof of its pro-development credentials. A few years later, Congress’s Siddaramaiah sought to blunt BJP’s urban edge by fast-tracking the east–west extension and ensuring high-profile inaugurations. Each ribbon-cutting has doubled as a campaign event, with both parties eager to turn station openings into symbols of efficiency. In a state where civic infrastructure projects often crawl, the party seen as delivering momentum stands to benefit disproportionately.


Yet the political rails are not entirely smooth. The Yellow Line is a reminder of Karnataka’s chronic project delays: approved in 2014, construction began in 2017 and has only now been completed. The Congress government will be quick to blame any shortcomings on the Centre; the BJP will counter that the delays were the result of pandemic disruptions and foreign-sourced equipment stuck in customs limbo. The larger contest ultimately is over narrative ownership.

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