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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

SS (UBT)’s inbox and outbox

Mumbai: The Shiv Sena (UBT) is currently experiencing a second political earthquake in three years with an erosion of its base and a crisis of credibility, with a question mark over its future. A brief profile of the MPs in the current turmoil and those who remain loyal to ex-CM and party Chief Uddhav Thackeray. SS (UBT)’s nine Lok Sabha MPs elected in 2024: Anil Desai (Mumbai South Central), Arvind Sawant (Mumbai South), Bhausaheb Wakchaure (Shirdi), Nagesh Patil Ashtikar (Hingoli),...

SS (UBT)’s inbox and outbox

Mumbai: The Shiv Sena (UBT) is currently experiencing a second political earthquake in three years with an erosion of its base and a crisis of credibility, with a question mark over its future. A brief profile of the MPs in the current turmoil and those who remain loyal to ex-CM and party Chief Uddhav Thackeray. SS (UBT)’s nine Lok Sabha MPs elected in 2024: Anil Desai (Mumbai South Central), Arvind Sawant (Mumbai South), Bhausaheb Wakchaure (Shirdi), Nagesh Patil Ashtikar (Hingoli), Omprakash Nimbalkar (Dharashiv), Rajabhau Waze (Nashik), Sanjay Deshmukh (Yavatmal-Washim), Sanjay Jadhav (Parbhani), Sanjay Dina Patil (Mumbai North East) The ‘Dirty Half-Dozen’ Sanjay Dina-Patil: A two-time MP and seasoned Mumbai politician, Sanjay Dina Patil (57) is known for strong grassroots connect in eastern suburbs. His electoral journey started with the (undivided) Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) when he won the Bhandup Assembly seat in 2004. He entered Lok Sabha in 2009 defeating Bharatiya Janata Party’s sitting MP, Kirit Somaiya (Mumbai North-East). In 2019, he joined the (undivided) Shiv Sena and remained loyal to Uddhav Thackeray even after the June 2022 split. He was re-elected in 2024, trouncing BJP’s Mihir Kotecha. Hailing from a political family, his father Dina Bama-Patil was a trade unionist and MLA, while his mother Manorama Patil served nine-terms as a BMC Municipal Corporator. Sanjay Jadhav: Among one of Marathwada’s most experienced grassroots Shiv Sena leaders, Sanjay “Bandu” Jadhav is a two-term MLA and three-time MP from Parbhani. He came to prominence during Balasaheb Thackeray’s era, built a strong base in state politics before aspiring for a national role. He bagged Parbhani Lok Sabha seat in 2014, 2019 and 2024, but remained loyal to Shiv Sena (UBT) after the June 2022 split. His absence from certain key party meetings in recent times had fuelled speculation about his political plans, worrying the party top brass as Parbhani remained one of its strongest bastions in Marathwada for decades. Sanjay Deshmukh: Vidarbha veteran politician Sanjay “Sanjubhau” Deshmukh boasts of a long and varied political career of over three decades, serving the party as its Yavatmal district President. However, he contested and won the Digras Assembly seat as an Independent in 1999 and 2004. He served as a Minister of State in the erstwhile Congress-NCP Democratic Front governments headed by Vilasrao Deshmukh and Sushilkumar Shinde. But after the 2022 Shiv Sena split, he returned to the Uddhav Thackeray faction that hugely boosted the party’s prospects in Vidarbha. Proving soothsayers right, he bagged the Yavatmal-Washim parliament seat as a SS (UBT) candidate, defeating Shiv Sena candidate Rajshri Patil in 2024. Nagesh Patil Ashtikar: A Marathwada strongman with strong roots in the cooperative sector, Nagesh Bapurao Patil-Ashtikar first entered the Maharashtra Assembly in 2014, winning the Hadgaon seat in Nanded district as a (undivided) Shiv Sena candidate. Though he failed to repeat in the 2019 Assembly election, he remained at the forefront and contested Hingoli as a SS (UBT) candidate in 2024, trouncing Shiv Sena’s Baburao Kadam. Bhausaheb Wakchaure: Bhausaheb Wakchaure, who represents the reserved Shirdi Lok Sabha constituency, is a familiar political figure in Ahilyanagar district and first entered Parliament in 2009 as a Shiv Sena candidate, defeating RPI(A) strongman Ramdas Athawale. Just before the 2014 elections, he switched to the Congress but lost the polls. A decade later in 2024, Wakchaure staged a smashing return as a SS (UBT) candidate, vanquishing MP Sadashiv Lokhande of Shiv Sena, to emerge as a key political player in the region. Omprakash “Om Raje” Nimbalkar: One of the younger faces in state politics, Omprakash Bhupalsinh alias Omraje Nimbalkar, 42, first won the Osmanabad Assembly seat in 2009 before spreading his wings in national politics. In the 2019 Lok Sabha election, he defeated Ranajagjitsinh Padamsinh Patil and remained with Uddhav Thackeray after the 2022 Shiv Sena split. He was re-elected from Osmanabad in 2024, crushing Archana Ranajagjitsinh Patil. As admitted by him, Nimbalkar’s political career has been shaped by a long-standing family feud - his father, Congress leader Pawanraje Nimbalkar, was murdered in 2006. The sensational case led to the arrest of former minister Padamsinh Patil, a powerful relative and the murder trial verdict is awaited this weekend. Left-over Loyalists Arvind Sawant: Hailing from a middle-class family the now dapper Arvind Sawant joined student politics in 1968, then worked with the MTNL as an engineer and in 1995, he took VRS to join the (undivided) Shiv Sena. He was elected as MLC twice but lost in the third attempt and was fielded in the 2014 Lok Sabha from the prestigious Mumbai South when he defeated Milind M. Deora – ex-Congress central minister and currently a Shiv Sena Rajya Sabha MP – and later Yamini Jadhav of Shiv Sena in 2024. He served briefly as a Union Minister under PM Narendra Modi before quitting to throw his lot with the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) formed after the 2024 Assembly elections. An educated face of the party, close to the Thackeray family and his proficiency in multiple languages, he served as the party Spokesperson. Anil Desai: A low-profile long-time busy backroom boy of the (undivided) Shiv Sena and later, the SS (UBT) the sophisticated and soft-spoken Anil Desai is regarded as a close Thackeray family advisor, for his strategies, expertise in managing elections, legal matters and as a behind-the-curtains tactician. His prowess in managing the party’s resources and coining slogans like ‘UTha Maharashtra’ (Wake up, Maharashtra), he was rewarded with two terms in Rajya Sabha (2012-2018), and later given a Lok Sabha ticket in 2024 when he defeated Shiv Sena’s Rahul Shewale. Rajabhau Waje: Hailing from an illustrious political family, Rajabhau Waje’s grandfather, Shankar Balaji Waje was a MLA (1962) from Sinnar, his grandmother Mathurabai Waje was the first woman Mayor of Sinnar Nagar Parishad in 1953, who later quit to plunge into the Samyukta Maharashtra Movement when she was jailed. Rajabhau Waje, active among the farmers, was elected as MLA in 2014 but lost the seat in 2019. In 2024, he was given a ticket by Shiv Sena (UBT) from Nashik in which he defeated Shiv Sena’s strongman Hemant Godse. Raut alleges MPs are being offered Rs 50 crore to defect Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Sanjay Raut on Wednesday alleged that some MPs from Maharashtra were being offered Rs 50 crore to switch sides, and challenged dissidents to quit. Holding a press conference in New Delhi, Raut said the people of Maharashtra and Shiv Sena (UBT) workers would not remain quiet if there was another split in the Uddhav Thackeray-led party which saw a major rebellion led by Eknath Shinde in 2022. Even as Raut adopted an aggressive tone, the fact that only three out of the nine Sena (UBT) Lok Sabha members Arvind Sawant, Anil Desai and Rajabhau Waje attended the press conference suggested that the party was facing a grave crisis. "I was told that the rate is Rs 50 crore, and Rs 15 crore each would be delivered by tonight. They (dissident MPs) were allegedly unwilling to board the aircraft (for Delhi) without receiving the money," he said. "If parties are being broken in this manner, fighting elections is meaningless," he said. All Sena (UBT) MPs were elected on the party's "mashal" (torch) symbol under Uddhav Thackeray's leadership, and "nobody has the right to betray that mandate", Raut said. Warning of a strong response, he said Maharashtra and the Sena (UBT) workers would not remain silent if there was a repeat of the events of 2022 when the undivided Shiv Sena split. "If anybody wants to leave, they should first resign. They have entered Parliament on our party's ticket," he added. During the press conference, Raut also lost his cool and used expletives against rebel MPs twice without naming anyone. He asked the media "not to cut" or mute that part. Notably, this is not the first time that Raut has used expletives at a press conference or in media interactions. He had asked mediapersons not to cut his expletives or mute them during the broadcast on such occasions. These MPs were elected because of Uddhav Thackeray and late (Shiv Sena founder) Bal Thackeray, not because of Prime Minister Narendra Modi or Maharashtra Deputy Chief Minister Eknath Shinde, said Raut. "We have issued a whip and convened our parliamentary party meeting. We have also written to Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla. Buying and breaking elected representatives is against democracy and the Constitution. A legal battle will follow. It is not so easy. Anyone who thinks that a few people can gather and settle matters through money is mistaken," he said. “The verdict in the 20-year-old murder case of the Om Raje Nimbalkar’s father was earlier scheduled to be delivered on Wednesday. He (Nimbalkar) was allegedly told that if he wanted a favourable verdict in the murder case of his father, he should join their group. If such things are happening, what remains of the (sanctity of) Constitution, the courts and democracy? Tomorrow's parliamentary party meeting will reveal the situation. Everyone has been invited and everyone should attend.” Sanjay Raut, MP, Shiv Sena (UBT) “If someone feels he is facing injustice, he can approach the party which has a system to listen to grievances and resolve them. There are people who have become MPs and MLAs multiple times. What more the party should give them? We are standing together and this (split) will not happen among MLAs.” Rahul Patil, MLA, Shiv Sena (UBT) “The people had voted against the BJP, but these MPs have disregarded that mandate and gone and sat in the BJP's lap.” Varsha Gaikwad, President, Mumbai Congress

Steel and Signal

The subtext of Modi’s Bengaluru metro ride is to wrest narrative control from a Congress government equally determined to claim credit for the city’s long-delayed progress.

Karnataka
Karnataka

The optics were carefully engineered when Prime Minister Narendra Modi boarded the gleaming Yellow Line of Bengaluru’s metro flanked by Karnataka’s Congress chief minister Siddaramaiah and his wily deputy D.K. Shivakumar. The Prime Minister inaugurated a 19 km stretch from RV Road to Bommasandra, linking the city’s sprawling IT hub in Electronic City with the residential and industrial south. The line, part of Phase 2 of the metro, has cost Rs. 7,160 crore while adding 16 stations to what is now India’s second-largest metro network after Delhi’s.


But beneath the stainless-steel glamour, the ceremony was a classic exercise in political calibration. Karnataka, the BJP’s only foothold in southern India until it lost the state in the 2023 assembly election, remains a prize worth contesting. The Congress government has turned Bengaluru’s infrastructure woes into a cudgel against the BJP. Modi’s presence in the city, therefore, was less about cutting ribbons than cutting into Congress’s narrative.


The Yellow Line’s opening was a symbol of the BJP’s attempt to reassert relevance in a state. Bengaluru voters are aspirational but also weary of stalled infrastructure and choking congestion. If Modi can claim credit for delivering a marquee urban project despite its three-year delay caused by pandemic disruptions and supply-chain troubles after Indo-China tensions, the BJP hopes to chip away at Congress’s advantage.


That advantage is personified in Siddaramaiah and Shivakumar, a political double act as different in temperament as they are united in ambition. Siddaramaiah, the veteran socialist-turned-Congressman, delights in skewering Modi’s policies, most recently over Washington’s 50 percent tariff on Indian goods. Shivakumar, a master of ground-level mobilisation, has long been eyeing the chief minister’s post for himself while cultivating his image as Bengaluru’s chief fixer.


And yet, for a few hours on Sunday, hostilities were set aside. Cameras captured the trio smiling, chatting, and waving to crowds. The optics suited all parties: Modi as the statesman welcomed even by his fiercest critics; Siddaramaiah and Shivakumar as gracious hosts willing to share a platform in the name of Karnataka’s progress. The bonhomie signalled a grudging recognition on both sides that Bengaluru’s infrastructure cannot be weaponised without also being delivered.


For Congress, the challenge is to prevent Modi from owning the metro’s success. The project was initiated under previous governments and shepherded through multiple political regimes. Yet, as Indian voters have often shown, the leader who cuts the ribbon often reaps the political benefit, regardless of who laid the foundation. Modi’s metro ride, complete with selfies with students, was choreographed to reinforce his image as a man in motion.


The BJP’s Karnataka unit sees urban infrastructure as one of the few levers it can pull to regain ground. Rural discontent, caste politics and the Congress’s populist guarantees have eroded its reach elsewhere. But Bengaluru’s electorate is more susceptible to appeals about speed, connectivity, and modernisation - areas where the BJP believes it can outshine Congress.


History suggests the strategy is not far-fetched. The launch of the metro’s Purple Line between Baiyappanahalli and M.G. Road in 2011 was championed by the then BJP government under B.S. Yediyurappa, which touted it as proof of its pro-development credentials. A few years later, Congress’s Siddaramaiah sought to blunt BJP’s urban edge by fast-tracking the east–west extension and ensuring high-profile inaugurations. Each ribbon-cutting has doubled as a campaign event, with both parties eager to turn station openings into symbols of efficiency. In a state where civic infrastructure projects often crawl, the party seen as delivering momentum stands to benefit disproportionately.


Yet the political rails are not entirely smooth. The Yellow Line is a reminder of Karnataka’s chronic project delays: approved in 2014, construction began in 2017 and has only now been completed. The Congress government will be quick to blame any shortcomings on the Centre; the BJP will counter that the delays were the result of pandemic disruptions and foreign-sourced equipment stuck in customs limbo. The larger contest ultimately is over narrative ownership.

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