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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Tibetan refugees protest in Mumbai

Supporters from the Tibetan Youth Congress react during a protest at Azad Maidan in Mumbai on Monday against China's new ethnic unity law. Pic: Bhushan Koyande Mumbai: Over 250 Tibetan refugees, activists and members of the Friends of Tibet took out a rally and demonstrated near the Chinese Consulate in Mumbai as part of an international action to protest against China’s new Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law (EUPPL). The Tibetans living in Mumbai were joined by other protestors from...

Tibetan refugees protest in Mumbai

Supporters from the Tibetan Youth Congress react during a protest at Azad Maidan in Mumbai on Monday against China's new ethnic unity law. Pic: Bhushan Koyande Mumbai: Over 250 Tibetan refugees, activists and members of the Friends of Tibet took out a rally and demonstrated near the Chinese Consulate in Mumbai as part of an international action to protest against China’s new Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law (EUPPL). The Tibetans living in Mumbai were joined by other protestors from Bhandara (Maharashtra) and Mundgod (Karnataka) and a relay hunger strike was also taken up the Tibetan Youth Congress (TYC) in Dharamshala, Himachal Pradesh, said Coordinator, Tenzin Tsundue. The day started with a silent rally from Rajgriha, the home of the late Dr. B. R. Ambedkar to his memorial, Chaityabhoomi, both in Dadar. Another rally-cum-demonstration was carried out near Nariman Point where the Chinese Consulate is located and at the Azad Maidan, said Tsundue. “We carried out a peaceful protest at Nariman Point and wanted to go and submit a memorandum to the Chinese Consul-General. However, the police prevented us, detained a few Tibetans and sent them back to Azad Maidan,” Tsundue told ‘The Perfect Voice’, from the venue. He said that Tibetans and others like Uyghurs are strongly opposed to the new law which came into effect last week, despite criticism from the United Nations Organisation (UNO), Taiwan, TYC and human rights groups worldwide. Their prime concerns are that the (EUPPL) could place further restrictions on the minorities’ rights, deepen assimilation policies targeting the ethnic groups and dilute the protection to their respective languages, cultures and traditions. China’s Denial One provision is said to allow individuals to be held accountable for alleged violations of the Chinese laws even outside the country, raising apprehensions it could target the government’s critics or campaigners abroad. However, China has rubbished all allegations of rights abuses against the ethnic minority group, and reiterated that its policies aim to promote social stability, security and economic development for all. Unconvinced, Tibetans and Uyghurs have urged the international community to build pressure on China to strike down the EUPPL as “it aims to erase the minority communities”. The Mainland Affairs Council of Taiwan has argued that Taiwanese are already facing high risks travelling to China and now the country has “yet another law to fabricate charges”, and it could deploy it “to further suppress and prosecute human rights activists”. TYC slams China The TYC said that the international action today was dedicated to the memory of the supreme sacrifice of Lobga Rangzen who self-immolated himself outside the UN Headquarters in New York on July 2 to draw the world’s attention to the cause of Tibet. Rejecting the new law, the TYC said: “This legislation is not a law of unity but a political instrument to force assimilation of nations living under Chinese occupation, like Tibet, East Turkestan, Southern Mongolia, and Manchuria. Behind the language of ‘ethnic unity’ lies an agenda of Unilateral control by institutionalising policies aimed at assimilating Tibetans through political domination.” It accused China of attempts “to erase national identities by suppressing distinct languages, undermining religious institutions, rewriting history, destroying cultural heritage, separating children from their communities through state run colonial boarding schools, and replacing distinct identities with loyalty to the Chinese Communist Party”.

Red Bonds

The Masala Bond gamble that helped fuel Kerala’s infrastructure boom now lays bare the Left’s uneasy marriage with the markets.

Kerala
Kerala

For a party that built its moral brand on austerity, probity and suspicion of global finance, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) has developed a striking fondness for financial alchemy. Kerala’s celebrated experiment with rupee-denominated ‘Masala Bonds’ was meant to signal modern, market-savvy governance under Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan. Instead, it has now become a case study in doctrinal hypocrisy and potential regulatory defiance after the Enforcement Directorate issued show-cause notices under the Foreign Exchange Management Act (FEMA) to Vijayan, former finance minister T. M. Thomas Isaac and former bureaucrat K. M. Abraham.


At the heart of the matter lies Rs. 466.91 crore - part of the Rs. 2,150-crore raised through bonds listed in London and Singapore in 2019 allegedly used to buy land, an end-use the regulator says was explicitly prohibited under the RBI’s master directions of June 2018. The Left, which traditionally treats foreign finance as a moral pollutant, now finds itself accused of misusing precisely the kind of capital it once denounced as imperial excess.

The CPI(M)’s first instinct, predictably, is denial wrapped in martyrdom. The notices are “politically motivated,” say its party leaders. The timing, just ahead of local body polls, adds a layer of theatrical outrage. The ED, long accused of being Delhi’s political bludgeon, makes an unconvincing villain in Kerala’s familiar script of federal victimhood. But to hide behind the Centre is to avoid an inconvenient truth as this trail did not begin with the ED but with the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG).


The CAG’s 2019 audit of Kerala’s finances raised red flags on KIIFB’s borrowing structure and constitutional propriety. That report triggered the original FEMA probe in 2021. When the RBI told the Kerala High Court that the ED indeed had the power to investigate end-use of funds, the fig leaf of institutional immunity fell away.


The Left’s defence that land was ‘acquired’ rather than ‘purchased’ is a distinction without an economic difference. One changes accounting labels; the other changes reality. External commercial borrowing rules do not care much for semantic gymnastics. What matters is whether foreign capital, raised at a hefty 9.72 percent interest rate, was diverted into real estate in contravention of explicit norms.


This exposes the deeper contradiction of Vijayan’s rule. Kerala’s model today rests not on old-style redistribution, but on leveraged growth, off-balance-sheet borrowings and an infrastructure splurge disguised through quasi-sovereign vehicles like KIIFB. In effect, the CPI(M), once suspicious of debt markets, has recreated the very financial architecture it long condemned in ‘neoliberal’ states. It borrows abroad at premium rates, bypasses conventional budgetary scrutiny, and then pleads innocence when auditors and regulators come knocking.


The political defence is just as elastic. When the ED targets opposition leaders elsewhere, the CPI(M) thunders against authoritarianism. When it targets CPI(M) leaders, the agency becomes a BJP conspirator acting in cahoots with Kerala’s enemies.


That said, a show-cause notice is not a verdict and the ED itself is no paragon of institutional purity. But politics is not a court of law; it is a court of consistency. And here the CPI(M) stands exposed. A party that once equated foreign capital with exploitation now stakes its prestige on overseas bond markets. A government that preaches clean governance now faces detailed charges of prohibited end-use. A leadership that thrives on the rhetoric of siege now confronts questions born not in Delhi but in audit reports and balance sheets.


Kerala’s voters are sophisticated enough to grasp the distinction between due process and deflection. They can also sense when outrage becomes rehearsal rather than resistance. If the Left truly believes the ED’s case is hollow, it should welcome a transparent adjudication instead of drowning it in election-season conspiracy.


For a party that once promised to change the system, the CPI (M) now seems trapped in explaining why it looks so uncomfortably like the system it once despised. 


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