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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This...

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This development, confirmed by high-ranking party insiders, follows the realization that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) effectively ceded its claims on the Kalyan-Dombivali Municipal Corporation (KDMC) to protect the alliance, facilitating a “Mumbai for BJP, Kalyan for Shinde” power-sharing formula. The compromise marks a complete role reversal between the BJP and the Shiv Sena. Both the political parties were in alliance with each other for over 25 years before 2017 civic polls. Back then the BJP used to get the post of Deputy Mayor while the Shiv Sena always enjoyed the mayor’s position. In 2017 a surging BJP (82 seats) had paused its aggression to support the undivided Shiv Sena (84 seats), preferring to be out of power in the Corporation to keep the saffron alliance intact. Today, the numbers dictate a different reality. In the recently concluded elections BJP emerged as the single largest party in Mumbai with 89 seats, while the Shinde faction secured 29. Although the Shinde faction acted as the “kingmaker”—pushing the alliance past the majority mark of 114—the sheer numerical gap made their claim to the mayor’s post untenable in the long run. KDMC Factor The catalyst for this truce lies 40 kilometers north of Mumbai in Kalyan-Dombivali, a region considered the impregnable fortress of Eknath Shinde and his son, MP Shrikant Shinde. While the BJP performed exceptionally well in KDMC, winning 50 seats compared to the Shinde faction’s 53, the lotter for the reservation of mayor’s post in KDMC turned the tables decisively in favor of Shiv Sena there. In the lottery, the KDMC mayor’ post went to be reserved for the Scheduled Tribe candidate. The BJP doesn’t have any such candidate among elected corporatros in KDMC. This cleared the way for Shiv Sena. Also, the Shiv Sena tied hands with the MNS in the corporation effectively weakening the Shiv Sena (UBT)’s alliance with them. Party insiders suggest that once it became clear the BJP would not pursue the KDMC Mayor’s chair—effectively acknowledging it as Shinde’s fiefdom—he agreed to scale down his demands in the capital. “We have practically no hope of installing a BJP Mayor in Kalyan-Dombivali without shattering the alliance locally,” a Mumbai BJP secretary admitted and added, “Letting the KDMC become Shinde’s home turf is the price for securing the Mumbai Mayor’s bungalow for a BJP corporator for the first time in history.” The formal elections for the Mayoral posts are scheduled for later this month. While the opposition Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA)—led by the Shiv Sena (UBT)—has vowed to field candidates, the arithmetic heavily favors the ruling alliance. For Eknath Shinde, accepting the Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai is a tactical retreat. It allows him to consolidate his power in the MMR belt (Thane and Kalyan) while remaining a partner in Mumbai’s governance. For the BJP, this is a crowning moment; after playing second fiddle in the BMC for decades, they are poised to finally install their own “First Citizen” of Mumbai.

The Constitution at the Crossroads: Political Expediency vs. Constitutional Integrity

Political Expediency vs. Constitutional Integrity

Since the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, the protection of India’s Constitution and the preservation of its principles have become central to electoral discourse. This theme has persisted across state elections, from Haryana to Jharkhand, and now, with growing prominence, in Maharashtra. Political parties often accuse one another of undermining the Constitution, whether through past actions or by hinting at future revisions, turning the Constitution into both a shield and a political tool.


A cursory glance at historical data reveals that the Constitution has been amended more than a hundred times. These changes, enacted by various governments over the decades, demonstrate that amendments are not inherently a sign of constitutional erosion. Indeed, the sheer number of amendments is not, in itself, an indicator of any existential threat to the document. Some amendments, however, have had far-reaching consequences, and the manner in which they were enacted has often sparked controversy.


Take, for example, the abrogation of Article 370, which granted special status to Jammu and Kashmir. While the article was always meant to be temporary, its sudden removal in 2019 generated sharp criticism. The opposition’s stance remains unclear: is the objection to the idea of abrogation itself, or to the way it was executed? A similar debate surrounds the introduction of the term “secular” in the Preamble in 1976. While the principle of secularism in governance is broadly accepted, the political circumstances that led to its formal inclusion have drawn criticism. In both cases, while the processes involved may be questioned, the intent behind the amendments does not appear to contravene the spirit of the Constitution.


A more complex issue, however, is the ongoing debate over reservations, particularly in the context of the forthcoming Maharashtra assembly election. Just as Article 370 was intended as a temporary provision, so too were caste-based reservations originally meant to be time-bound, lasting only for ten years. Seventy-five year+s later, the demand for reservations is not receding but rather growing. Despite this, there is broad consensus across the political spectrum in favour of continuing the policy.


The Constitution’s provisions for caste-based reservations stem from the belief of India’s founding fathers that historical injustices—whether committed by one caste against another—needed to be rectified. These provisions were designed to address the socio-economic, cultural, and psychological disadvantages inflicted upon affected communities. This was deemed necessary, even though such discrimination is no longer legally sanctioned and is considered a crime. While the effectiveness of this policy is debatable, it has been accepted and followed by society for decades.


The key question now is whether reservations are being pursued with genuine intent or for short-term political gain. While all political parties claim to uphold the principles behind the founding fathers' vision, not all have consistently adhered to its true spirit. Historical injustices were not only caste-based; there are numerous documented instances of religiously motivated wrongs, such as the destruction of places of worship by foreign invaders. Yet the *Places of Worship (Special Provisions) Act*, which seeks to preserve the status quo of religious sites, effectively prevents any corrective action for these historical wrongs in the present day. This law contradicts the spirit of the Constitution, which calls for redress of historical injustices. Ironically, while reservations based on caste are increasingly supported, the *Places of Worship Act*—which stands in opposition to the same principle of rectifying past wrongs—remains intact. Political parties that truly believe in the Constitution’s spirit should advocate not only for the continuation of reservations but also for the repeal of laws that contradict this fundamental principle.


The call for a uniform civil code is another example of constitutional intent caught in a web of political controversy, as is the debate over the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the National Register of Citizens (NRC). Like the *Places of Worship Act* and the reservation debate, it is difficult to discern whether these laws are genuinely aligned with the broader goals of the Constitution, or if they simply serve political expediency.


In times of constitutional debate, political parties must engage in a more profound introspection. They should examine whether their actions align with the Constitution’s stated or implicit goals, and rise above short-term political calculations. This self-examination is essential, for the Constitution’s principles—intended as a moral and legal framework for the nation—are not meant to be wielded as a political weapon. Whether the Constitution is being upheld out of convenience or with genuine conviction will ultimately depend on the commitment of our political leaders to its true spirit.


The future of India’s constitutional integrity lies not in the number of amendments or electoral promises, but in the unwavering commitment to the foundational principles of justice, equality, and secularism.


(The author works in Information Technology sector. Views personal.)

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