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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Red flag to green steel

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron...

Red flag to green steel

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron (DRI) and pellet plant. This ‘green steel’ project, part of LMEL’s push for an integrated steel complex in the region, is functioning not just as an industrial unit but as a crucial pillar in the Maharashtra government’s surrender-cum-rehabilitation policy. So far, LMEL, in coordination with the state government and the Gadchiroli Police, has provided employment and training to 68 surrendered Maoists and 14 members of families affected by Naxal violence, a total of 82 individuals, offering them a definitive pathway back to the mainstream. The Shift The transformation begins at the company’s dedicated Lloyds Skill Development and Training Centre at Konsari. Recognizing that many former cadres had limited formal education, the company implements a structured, skill-based rehabilitation model. They are trained in essential technical and operational skills required for plant administration, civil construction, and mechanical operations. For individuals like Govinda Atala, a former deputy commander, the change is palpable. “After surrendering, I got the right to live a new life,” Atala said. “I am very happy to get this job. I am now living my life on my own; there is no pressure on me now.” Suresh Hichame, who spent over a decade in the movement before surrendering in 2009 too echoed the sentiments. He realized the path of violence offered neither him nor his family any benefit. Moreover, his self-respecct was hurt. He knew several languages and carried out several crucial tasks for the banned organization remaining constantly under the shadow of death. Today, he works in the plant, receiving a steady monthly salary that enables him to care for his family—a basic dignity the ‘Red Ideology’ could never provide. The monthly salaries of the rehabilitated workers, typically ranging from Rs 13,000 to Rs 20,000, are revolutionary in a region long characterized by poverty and lack of opportunities. Trust, Stability The employment of former Maoists is a brave and calculated risk for LMEL, an industry that historically faced stiff opposition and even violence from the left wing extremist groups. LMEL’s management, however, sees it as an investment in inclusive growth and long-term stability for the district. The LMEL has emphasized the company’s commitment to training and facilitating career growth for the local populace, including the surrendered cadres. This commitment to local workforce upskilling is proving to be a highly effective counter-insurgency strategy, chipping away at the foundation of the Maoist movement: the exploitation of local grievances and lack of economic options. The reintegration effort extends beyond the factory floor. By providing stable incomes and a sense of purpose, LMEL helps the former rebels navigate the social transition. They are now homeowners, taxpayers, and active members of the community, replacing the identity of an outlaw with that of a respected employee. This social acceptance, coupled with economic independence, is the true measure of rehabilitation. The successful employment of cadres, some of whom were once high-ranking commanders, also sends a powerful message to those still active in the jungle: the path to a peaceful and prosperous life is open and tangible. It transforms the promise of government rehabilitation into a concrete reality. The plant, with its production of iron ore and steel, is physically transforming the region into an emerging industrial hub, and in doing so, it is symbolically forging the nation’s progress out of the ashes of extremism. The coordinated effort between private industry, the state government, and the Gadchiroli police is establishing a new environment of trust, stability, and economic progress, marking Gadchiroli’s transition from a Maoist hotbed to a model of inclusive and sustainable development.

Backward March

Kerala’s Marxist mandarins mock a sacred Hindu tradition yet again in the name of progress.

Kerala
Kerala

The Marxists of Kerala are at it again, peering through their fogged ideological spectacles and seeing menace in the most benign of Indian traditions. This time, the ritual in their crosshairs is guru puja, the age-old custom of offering flowers or washing the feet of teachers to mark Guru Purnima, a day revered across Hindu and Buddhist communities for honouring those who impart knowledge.

 

In a normal society, this would pass as a graceful act of gratitude. But in Kerala, where Marxist dogma masquerades as progressivism, it is deemed a “feudal relic” and an affront to democracy.

 

The trigger for this controversy was when Governor Rajendra Arlekar, addressing a gathering organised by Balagokulam (a cultural outfit with links to the RSS) mounted a calm but firm defence of guru puja. Arlekar delivered a stinging rebuke to V. Sivankutty, Kerala’s combative general education minister after the latter condemned the symbolic washing of feet at two CBSE-affiliated schools as “undemocratic” and “violative of progressive thinking.”

 

“I don’t understand from which culture these people are coming,” Arlekar had remarked, referring to the naysayers.

 

In the name of ‘reason,’ Kerala’s ruling party seeks to delegitimise one of India’s most ennobling cultural practices. Marxism, which has long treated religion and tradition as bourgeois constructs to be dismantled, finds itself instinctively recoiling at anything vaguely spiritual or reverent while conveniently forgetting that its acolytes themselves have elevated Marxism to a religion and Marx and Engels as their gods.

 

That the ritual took place in schools affiliated with the Bharatiya Vidya Niketan, an organisation inspired by Hindu ideals, was enough to invite the wrath of both the CPI(M) and the Congress.

 

The act of devotion, naturally, became yet another opportunity to accuse the BJP of saffronising the classroom. That the governor’s critics also dragged in caste and feudalism is telling. To the Marxist mind, every cultural gesture must be interrogated for class oppression. Thus, a student offering a teacher flowers becomes symbolic of ‘slave mentality’ as CPI(M) state secretary M.V. Govindan indignantly put it. It is an argument both threadbare and deceitful. The ritual in question is voluntary, spiritual and performed by children across castes. That Marxists see domination in every bow or folded hand says more about their historical insecurities than it does about Indian culture.

 

Kerala’s self-proclaimed reformers are fond of invoking the ‘renaissance’ that the state underwent in the 20th century, as if it absolves them of understanding or respecting what preceded it. But cultural renaissance does not imply civilisational amnesia. Nor does the expansion of literacy require the eradication of reverence. Education in India has never been a purely instrumental affair. It was, and still ought to be, a sacred enterprise with its purpose not just to inform but to transform. In many Indic traditions, the guru is not merely a conduit of curriculum but a remover of darkness, a guide through moral and intellectual uncertainty.

The modernist impulse to level all hierarchies has confused humility with servitude. In flattening every institution to fit the template of Western-style secular rationalism, the Left has stripped Indian education of its soul. What remains is a mechanised pedagogy - utilitarian, joyless, and allergic to meaning. That is the truly backward path.

 

Governor Arlekar deserves credit for defending what few in Kerala’s public life dare to: the cultural integrity of India’s traditions. Ironically, it is the Marxists who are most disconnected from the material history of the land they govern.

 

One would think that a government genuinely invested in ‘scientific temper’ and critical thought might spend more energy improving Kerala’s learning outcomes or investigating the appalling politicisation of its college campuses. But ideology, not education, is the CPI(M)’s first love. And so, in the name of democratic values, they attack guru puja. In the name of liberty, they deride voluntary expressions of gratitude.

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