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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Tibetan refugees protest in Mumbai

Supporters from the Tibetan Youth Congress react during a protest at Azad Maidan in Mumbai on Monday against China's new ethnic unity law. Pic: Bhushan Koyande Mumbai: Over 250 Tibetan refugees, activists and members of the Friends of Tibet took out a rally and demonstrated near the Chinese Consulate in Mumbai as part of an international action to protest against China’s new Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law (EUPPL). The Tibetans living in Mumbai were joined by other protestors from...

Tibetan refugees protest in Mumbai

Supporters from the Tibetan Youth Congress react during a protest at Azad Maidan in Mumbai on Monday against China's new ethnic unity law. Pic: Bhushan Koyande Mumbai: Over 250 Tibetan refugees, activists and members of the Friends of Tibet took out a rally and demonstrated near the Chinese Consulate in Mumbai as part of an international action to protest against China’s new Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law (EUPPL). The Tibetans living in Mumbai were joined by other protestors from Bhandara (Maharashtra) and Mundgod (Karnataka) and a relay hunger strike was also taken up the Tibetan Youth Congress (TYC) in Dharamshala, Himachal Pradesh, said Coordinator, Tenzin Tsundue. The day started with a silent rally from Rajgriha, the home of the late Dr. B. R. Ambedkar to his memorial, Chaityabhoomi, both in Dadar. Another rally-cum-demonstration was carried out near Nariman Point where the Chinese Consulate is located and at the Azad Maidan, said Tsundue. “We carried out a peaceful protest at Nariman Point and wanted to go and submit a memorandum to the Chinese Consul-General. However, the police prevented us, detained a few Tibetans and sent them back to Azad Maidan,” Tsundue told ‘The Perfect Voice’, from the venue. He said that Tibetans and others like Uyghurs are strongly opposed to the new law which came into effect last week, despite criticism from the United Nations Organisation (UNO), Taiwan, TYC and human rights groups worldwide. Their prime concerns are that the (EUPPL) could place further restrictions on the minorities’ rights, deepen assimilation policies targeting the ethnic groups and dilute the protection to their respective languages, cultures and traditions. China’s Denial One provision is said to allow individuals to be held accountable for alleged violations of the Chinese laws even outside the country, raising apprehensions it could target the government’s critics or campaigners abroad. However, China has rubbished all allegations of rights abuses against the ethnic minority group, and reiterated that its policies aim to promote social stability, security and economic development for all. Unconvinced, Tibetans and Uyghurs have urged the international community to build pressure on China to strike down the EUPPL as “it aims to erase the minority communities”. The Mainland Affairs Council of Taiwan has argued that Taiwanese are already facing high risks travelling to China and now the country has “yet another law to fabricate charges”, and it could deploy it “to further suppress and prosecute human rights activists”. TYC slams China The TYC said that the international action today was dedicated to the memory of the supreme sacrifice of Lobga Rangzen who self-immolated himself outside the UN Headquarters in New York on July 2 to draw the world’s attention to the cause of Tibet. Rejecting the new law, the TYC said: “This legislation is not a law of unity but a political instrument to force assimilation of nations living under Chinese occupation, like Tibet, East Turkestan, Southern Mongolia, and Manchuria. Behind the language of ‘ethnic unity’ lies an agenda of Unilateral control by institutionalising policies aimed at assimilating Tibetans through political domination.” It accused China of attempts “to erase national identities by suppressing distinct languages, undermining religious institutions, rewriting history, destroying cultural heritage, separating children from their communities through state run colonial boarding schools, and replacing distinct identities with loyalty to the Chinese Communist Party”.

Licence to Pollute?

Delhi’s bungled fuel ban reveals the chaos of half-baked green governance.

Delhi
Delhi

When the Delhi government abruptly banned the supply of fuel to older vehicles at the beginning of the month, it was hoping to send a firm message that it meant business in its war against air pollution. Instead, it sparked outrage across the National Capital Region (NCR), prompting an embarrassing retreat just days later. Faced with legal challenges, technological shortfalls and political heat, Delhi’s Environment Minister Manjinder Singh Sirsa assured citizens that their vehicles would not be impounded and that a “new system” was being planned.


It was a remarkable climbdown less than a week after the government’s own campaign had begun. At the heart of the controversy is India’s perennial struggle to reconcile its environmental ambitions with the reality of inadequate infrastructure, limited state capacity, and deeply embedded social norms. The ban, which sought to enforce longstanding Supreme Court and National Green Tribunal (NGT) rulings restricting diesel vehicles older than 10 years and petrol vehicles older than 15, was directed by the Commission for Air Quality Management (CAQM), a central authority overseeing air quality in Delhi-NCR. But in its haste, the implementation exposed how even well-intentioned policy can falter when saddled with bureaucratic overreach and technological optimism.


The idea was that petrol pumps would be prohibited from supplying fuel to “End-of-Life Vehicles” (ELVs). Automated Number Plate Recognition (ANPR) systems were installed to verify vehicle age, and violators were to be issued fines or have their vehicles seized. But in practice, the scheme was half-baked. The ANPR cameras were glitchy, poorly placed and functioned inconsistently. More problematically, the system had not been rolled out uniformly across NCR. Border towns such as Noida, Faridabad and Gurugram were either unequipped or non-compliant. That created the perfect conditions for fuel smuggling and cross-border evasion.


Even ministers within the Delhi government were uneasy. India’s vehicular pollution problem is complex, tied not just to the age of the vehicle but to how it is maintained, what fuel it runs on and where it operates. Many older vehicles on Indian roads are still mechanically sound, and banning them en masse runs counter to a longstanding culture of repair, not replacement.


The backlash soon turned legal with the Delhi Petrol Dealers Association challenging the mandate in court by arguing that fuel station operators, who are private entities, were being arbitrarily tasked with enforcing the ban without legal authority. The petition warned of confusion, unfair penalisation, and an undue burden on petrol pumps, which see thousands of vehicles daily and cannot be expected to monitor compliance with perfection.


Even Delhi’s Lieutenant Governor V.K. Saxena intervened, urging Chief Minister Rekha Gupta to halt the ban. Saxena’s letter struck a populist chord, noting that many middle-class families had sunk their life savings into buying vehicles that were now being summarily outlawed.


The CAQM, sensing the backlash, eventually agreed to delay the ban’s implementation until November 1 and to roll it out simultaneously across all six NCR cities - Delhi, Gurugram, Faridabad, Noida, Ghaziabad, and Sonipat. It was a tacit admission that the original strategy had been neither fair nor enforceable.


Delhi’s air pollution is no trivial matter. According to the WHO, the capital ranks among the world’s most polluted cities. But piecemeal bans, rolled out without coordination or preparation are unlikely to make a dent. A systemic solution must involve cleaner fuels, better public transport, real-time emissions monitoring and behavioural change - none of which can be outsourced to a glitchy camera or a harried petrol pump attendant.


India’s green transition is often framed in terms of grand targets: net-zero by 2070, EV adoption, solar gigawatts. But the battle will be won or lost in moments like these. If Delhi’s policymakers are serious about fixing the capital’s toxic air, they would do better to begin with enforceable, equitable regulation and not blunt instruments masquerading as climate action. Until then, the only thing Delhi seems to be running on is confusion.

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