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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city...

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city will get a ‘Hindu Marathi’ person to head India’s richest civic body, while the Opposition Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena also harbour fond hopes of a miracle that could ensure their own person for the post. The Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) optimism stems from expectations of possible political permutations-combinations that could develop with a realignment of forces as the Supreme Court is hearing the cases involving the Shiv Sena-Nationalist Congress Party this week. Catapulted as the largest single party, the BJP hopes to install a first ever party-man as Mayor, but that may not create history. Way back in 1982-1983, a BJP leader Dr. Prabhakar Pai had served in the top post in Mumbai (then Bombay). Incidentally, Dr. Pai hailed from Udupi district of Karnataka, and his appointment came barely a couple of years after the BJP was formed (1980), capping a distinguished career as a city father, said experts. Originally a Congressman, Dr. Pai later shifted to the Bharatiya Janata Party, then back to Congress briefly, founded the Janata Seva Sangh before immersing himself in social activities. Second Administrator The 2026 Mayoral elections have evoked huge interest not only among Mumbaikars but across the country as it comes after nearly four years since the BMC was governed by an Administrator. This was only the second time in the BMC history that an Administrator was named after April 1984-May 1985. On both occasions, there were election-related issues, the first time the elections got delayed for certain reasons and the second time the polling was put off owing to Ward delimitations and OBC quotas as the matter was pending in the courts. From 1931 till 2022, Mumbai has been lorded over by 76 Mayors, men and women, hailing from various regions, backgrounds, castes and communities. They included Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Parsis, Sikhs, even a Jew, etc., truly reflecting the cosmopolitan personality of the coastal city and India’s financial powerhouse. In 1931-1932, the Mayor was a Parsi, J. B. Boman Behram, and others from his community followed like Khurshed Framji Nariman (after whom Nariman Point is named), E. A. Bandukwala, Minoo Masani, B. N. Karanjia and other bigwigs. There were Muslims like Hoosenally Rahimtoola, Sultan M. Chinoy, the legendary Yusuf Meherally, Dr. A. U. Memon and others. The Christian community got a fair share of Mayors with Joseph A. D’Souza – who was Member of Constituent Assembly representing Bombay Province for writing-approving the Constitution of India, M. U. Mascarenhas, P. A. Dias, Simon C. Fernandes, J. Leon D’Souza, et al. A Jew Elijah Moses (1937-1938) and a Sikh M. H. Bedi (1983-1984), served as Mayors, but post-1985, for the past 40 years, nobody from any minority community occupied the august post. During the silver jubilee year of the post, Sulochana M. Modi became the first woman Mayor of Mumbai (1956), and later with tweaks in the rules, many women ruled in this post – Nirmala Samant-Prabhavalkar (1994-1995), Vishakha Raut (997-1998), Dr. Shubha Raul (March 2007-Nov. 2009), Shraddha Jadhav (Dec. 2009-March 2012), Snehal Ambedkar (Sep. 2014-March 2017). The last incumbent (before the Administrator) was a government nurse, Kishori Pednekar (Nov. 2019-March 2022) - who earned the sobriquet of ‘Florence Nightingale’ of Mumbai - as she flitted around in her full white uniform at the height of the Covid-19 Pandemic, earning the admiration of the citizens. Mumbai Mayor – high-profile post The Mumbai Mayor’s post is considered a crucial step in the political ladder and many went on to become MLAs, MPs, state-central ministers, a Lok Sabha Speaker, Chief Ministers and union ministers. The formidable S. K. Patil was Mayor (1949-1952) and later served in the union cabinets of PMs Jawaharlal Nehru, Lah Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi; Dahyabhai V. Patel (1954-1955) was the son of India’s first Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel; Manohar Joshi (1976-1977) became the CM of Maharashtra, later union minister and Speaker of Lok Sabha; Chhagan Bhujbal (1985-1986 – 1990-1991) became a Deputy CM.

GST 2.0: Modi’s Winning Stroke?

By simplifying GST, Modi hopes to shield India’s economy from Trump’s tariff tantrums and win fresh political dividends.

When Donald Trump slapped 50 percent tariffs on Indian exports, New Delhi responded with unusual patience. Unlike other trade partners, who rushed to negotiate, India decided to wait, rather than strike a hurried and lopsided deal. The cost is steep: exports worth an estimated $48 billion are at risk, with textiles, garments and furniture likely to be the hardest hit. Small factories and supply chains that power these industries will feel the pinch. But Narendra Modi’s government has a plan - not to outwit Trump in Washington, but to shore up demand at home.


At the centre of this strategy lies a bold new tax reform. In his Independence Day address, Modi announced what his aides are calling ‘GST 2.0.’ The reform aims to simplify the Goods and Services Tax (GST), India’s ambitious indirect tax regime launched in 2017, which replaced a patchwork of state-level levies. The current system, with its four slabs of 5 percent, 12 percent, 18 percent and 28 percent has long been criticised for its complexity. The new proposal pares this down to two main slabs: 5 percent on essentials and 18 percent on most goods and services. A higher 40 percent slab will remain for luxury items and so-called ‘sin’ goods, such as tobacco and online gaming.


Everyday essentials - from groceries and medicines to washing machines and televisions - would become cheaper. Farm equipment and bicycles, too, would see price cuts. Even services such as insurance and education would carry lighter tax burdens. The government is betting that these reductions will free up household spending, spur consumption and offset the blow from declining exports. Analysts forecast an additional Rs. 5.31 trillion in consumption, equivalent to 1.6 percent of GDP.


At a time when India is losing ground abroad, such a boost to domestic demand is no small consolation. Additional spending could generate as much as Rs. 52,000 crore ($6.3 billion) in fresh GST revenues in fiscal year 2026. This, officials argue, shows that tax reform is not merely about easing household budgets, but about building a self-reliant economy resilient to external shocks.


The politics of the reform are equally significant. Modi has framed GST 2.0 as part of his grand ‘Viksit Bharat 2047’ mission, an aspirational blueprint to make India a developed nation by its centenary of independence. In practice, it doubles as a hedge against the vagaries of global trade and the erratic impulses of Trump.


Yet this is not merely about economics. The ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), having fallen short of a parliamentary majority in the 2024 elections, depends on two fickle allies: Nitish Kumar’s Janata Dal (United) and Chandrababu Naidu’s Telugu Desam Party. Both have a history of defecting, sometimes to the Congress, sometimes to regional rivals. Were they to abandon the coalition, the Modi government could face midterm polls. In that scenario, a popular tax reform that makes household essentials cheaper would be a potent electoral weapon.


Opponents accuse Modi of using GST reform as a political shield. By cutting prices for consumers while painting Trump’s tariffs as foreign hostility, the government stands to win both economic and nationalist points. Critics also warn that slashing tax rates may strain state finances, which rely heavily on GST transfers from the centre. A two-slab system may be simpler, but the risk of revenue shortfalls looms large.


Even so, the government sees GST 2.0 as a masterstroke. In effect, what India loses abroad through tariffs it hopes to regain, at least partially, through domestic spending. The reform will not undo the pain of shuttered factories or lost export markets. But it signals a shift in mindset.


In the global economy, tariffs are no longer an anomaly but a recurring hazard. Trump’s unpredictability has reminded governments everywhere that trade policy can change overnight.


GST 2.0 is a political and economic hedge and perhaps the beginning of a more inward-looking growth strategy. Whether it succeeds depends on two factors. The first is execution. India’s initial GST rollout in 2017 was marred by technical glitches and compliance headaches. A poorly managed reform could again sap credibility. The second is politics. Should allies defect and trigger midterm polls, Modi will hope that cheaper groceries, medicines and school fees can translate into votes.


In a political climate where tariffs and trade wars are as much about symbolism as economics, Modi has chosen a path that doubles as both policy and politics.

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