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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive...

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive milestone in a political journey spanning more than three and half decades. Over the years, his political journey traversed multiple parties, including the Congress, Samata Party, Rashtriya Janata Dal, Janata Dal (United), and Hindustani Awam Morcha. His name did surface in a high-profile criminal case in 1995, though he was later acquitted due to lack of evidence. Samrat Choudhary's mother Parvati Devi was also politically active and was elected as an MLA from Tarapur in a 1998 by-election. Among his siblings, Rohit Choudhary is associated with the JD(U) and is active in the education sector, while Dharmendra Choudhary is engaged in social work. His wife, Mamta Kumari, has also been actively involved during election campaigns. The family includes a son Pranay and a daughter Charu Priya. Choudhary entered active politics in 1990, beginning his career with the RJD. In 1999, he became Agriculture Minister in the Rabri Devi government, though his appointment was mired in controversy over his age, eventually forcing him to step down. He later parted ways with the RJD, moved to the JD(U), and ultimately joined the BJP. Since 2018, his stature within the BJP has steadily grown, culminating in his appointment as the party's Bihar state president in 2022. Controversy Man With the beginning of his new innings in the BJP, Choudhary once again found himself in the spotlight, this time over questions surrounding his educational qualifications. Allegations regarding the validity of the degree mentioned in his election affidavit became part of political discourse. The opposition, particularly Prashant Kishor, raised the issue forcefully during the elections. However, the controversy failed to gain substantive traction and remained confined to political rhetoric, with no significant impact on electoral outcomes. Hailing from the Tarapur region of Munger district, Choudhary's identity is deeply rooted in this region. Historically influential, the region has provided a strong social and political base for both him and his family. Belonging to the Kushwaha (Koeri) community, he represents a crucial social base in Bihar's caste equations. This makes his role significant in the 'Lav-Kush' (Kurmi-Koeri) political dynamic that has shaped the state's politics for decades. Sharp Turns Choudhary's political journey has been marked by sharp turns and contradictions. At one stage, he was among the fiercest critics of Nitish Kumar, even declaring that he would not remove his traditional 'Muraitha' (a kind of turban) until Kumar was unseated from power. Yet, as political equations shifted, Choudhary not only consolidated his position within the BJP but also emerged as a key figure in power-sharing arrangements with Nitish Kumar. After 2020, when Sushil Kumar Modi was moved to national politics, new opportunities opened up for Choudhary. He became a member of the Legislative Council, later served as Leader of the Opposition, and eventually rose to become state president. His political stature further expanded when, following Nitish Kumar's return to the NDA, Choudhary was entrusted with the dual roles of Deputy Chief Minister and Home Minister, which is an unprecedented move in Bihar's political framework. Despite his rise, controversies have not been entirely absent from his career. Questions regarding his age and educational qualifications surfaced intermittently, though their long-term political impact remained limited. Today, Samrat Choudhary stands at the center of Bihar's political stage. His ascent is not merely the result of personal ambition but the outcome of a deep political legacy, an understanding of social dynamics, and strong organisational acumen. The real test now lies in how he transforms this legacy into effective governance and development. Strengthening law and order and meeting public expectations will be crucial. The people of Bihar are watching closely, and only time will determine how successfully he rises to the occasion.

The Bhagwat Doctrine

The RSS chief has defied caricatures and unsettled detractors with a more measured vision of India.

Marking the centenary of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) this week, Mohan Bhagwat repeated a theme he has long favoured. He argued that the DNA of all who inhabited ‘Akhand Bharat’ has been the same for 40,000 years. Hindus and Muslims, he insisted, shared a common ancestry, and India was both “undivided” and a “Hindu Rashtra.”


The formulation was not new. In 2021 he drew flak from some of his own supporters by suggesting that Hindus and Muslims are descendants of the same forebears. This time, with the RSS entering its second century, he framed the idea in the language of continuity rather than concession. Hindu and Muslim identities may diverge, Bhagwat said, but the people themselves remain tied to a single civilisational inheritance.


Bhagwat, 74, leads the RSS at a moment of unprecedented influence for the organisation. He heads an organisation often caricatured in lurid terms, as an ideological monolith bent on erasing minorities.


Since its founding in 1925 by K.B. Hedgewar, the RSS has been routinely labelled by a global cabal of Indian and Western liberal academics, activists and journalists as “fascist,” “majoritarian” or “anti-Muslim.” These lazy epithets have been recycled with little regard for nuance, sometimes drawing lazy parallels with interwar Europe.


The RSS today sits at the heart of India’s political ecosystem. Its affiliates span education, labour unions, student bodies and religious outfits; its ideological heir, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), governs the country. Though the RSS does not contest elections, its reach makes its sarsanghchalak a figure whose words ripple far beyond the organization’s headquarters in Nagpur.


During the centenary address, Bhagwat offered a taxonomy of Hindu identity: those proud of it, those dimly aware of it, those who concealed it and those who denied it altogether. Yet even the last group, he maintained, could not escape belonging. “Even if you see the DNA, it is the same,” he told the audience, suggesting that shared ancestry trumped self-description. It was an appeal both to inclusion and to absorption. He was careful to stress that Hindu does not mean “Hindu versus all.” The term, he argued, is not geographical but civilisational, encompassing anyone who accepts the plurality of paths to the divine and a common devotion to the land.


Bhagwat’s interpretation reaches back to etymology. The word Hindu, he reminded his listeners, was first used by ancient Persians to describe the people beyond the Sindhu river. Over centuries it grew to signify a broader civilisational ethos rather than a single religious doctrine. That elasticity allows him to suggest that a Muslim or Christian who identifies as Bharatiya (Indian) or Sanatani (traditional) can, in essence, be regarded as Hindu. The inclusivity, however, rests on the condition that all must accept a shared lineage and civilisational bond.


Such arguments mirror the RSS’s long-standing project. Hedgewar’s founding aim was to unite a Hindu society he considered divided and vulnerable. Bhagwat now couches that mission in gentler terms. The Sangh, he explained, is not an organisation built to oppose anyone but a force to keep society in “good health.”


Ever since he became the RSS chief in 2009, Bhagwat has spoken in the register of civilisational identity rather than sectarian antagonism, thus providing the RSS with a vocabulary that is less combustible and more palatable. He has become the voice of the elder custodian, not the street fighter.


This does not mean he soft-pedals the RSS’s ideological core. However, his firmness has been cloaked in reason and moderation and it is this very maturity of Bhagwat’s stance that has unsettled his critics.


That maturity surfaced most clearly in fraught disputes over religious sites. On the Gyanvapi mosque case in Varanasi, for instance, he cautioned against a ruinous spiral of historical excavation when he remarked that Hindus should not go about searching for temples beneath every mosque. The comment was as much a rebuke to hard-line zeal as it was a call to focus on reconciliation rather than retribution. By combining ideological conviction with a refusal to indulge endless provocation, Bhagwat has recast the Sangh’s voice as one of responsibility.


A century on from Hedgewar’s founding of the RSS, the organisation shows no sign of retreat. If anything, its influence has deepened. Bhagwat’s words at the centenary celebrations were primarily a reminder that for the Sangh, the work of shaping India’s identity is still unfinished.

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