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By:

Rupak Bardhan Roy

17 March 2026 at 2:34:57 pm

Will Gen Z Bury Political Ideology?

From Kenya to Nepal, a digitally native generation is challenging the ideological foundations on which modern politics has long rested. Between 2024 and 2026, across Asia, Africa, and Latin America, a series of rapid, leaderless political uprisings erupted, fundamentally driven by citizens under the age of thirty. Commonly dubbed as the ‘Global Gen Z uprisings,’ these movements systematically unseated ruling regimes, dismantled political dynasties, and forced constitutional re-evaluations....

Will Gen Z Bury Political Ideology?

From Kenya to Nepal, a digitally native generation is challenging the ideological foundations on which modern politics has long rested. Between 2024 and 2026, across Asia, Africa, and Latin America, a series of rapid, leaderless political uprisings erupted, fundamentally driven by citizens under the age of thirty. Commonly dubbed as the ‘Global Gen Z uprisings,’ these movements systematically unseated ruling regimes, dismantled political dynasties, and forced constitutional re-evaluations. While traditional political science has historically viewed revolutions through the lens of competing ideologies - capitalism versus socialism or secularism versus religious nationalism - the generational wave of the mid-2020s introduced an entirely different model. Driven by a hyper-connected generation demanding technocratic competence, structural fairness and the protection of their digital spaces, these movements are fundamentally post-ideological. Youth Mobilization This global cycle of youth mobilization began in June 2024 in East Africa. Entirely organized on TikTok and X (formerly Twitter), young Kenyans launched the ‘Reject Finance Bill’ movement to debunk aggressive state tax hikes on everyday household necessities. Operating without traditional political figureheads, protesters utilized artificial intelligence translation tools, digital crowdfunding campaigns, and geo-located mapping to outmanoeuvre security apparatuses. The movement culminated in the breach and partial burning of the parliament building in Nairobi. President William Ruto had to completely withdraw the tax legislation and dismiss his cabinet. Weeks later, in July 2024, the operational blueprint was finalized in the student–people’s revolution in Bangladesh. University students mobilized in masses to oppose a prevalent employment quota system. In an economy choked by acute underemployment, the policy was seen as institutionalized nepotism to reward ruling party loyalists. Following a severe state crackdown, by August 2024, mass civilian marches overran Dhaka, forcing Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to resign and flee the country, ending her fifteen-year tenure and replacing it with an interim council. Though there have been certain discourses over the movement being hijacked by the overtly fundamentalist Jamat, an open election last year has proved substantially otherwise. Similar occurrences of civil protests organized by Gen Z also erupted and flourished to success during August-September 2025 in Indonesia over Government allocation of funds for the political elites amid state’s financial constraints. The global contagion also crossed back into Africa (Madagascar) in October 2025, driven by systemic inflation and infrastructure failures. The president fled the country, and the incoming temporary administration instituted radical transparency measures. The peak of this physical confrontational phase occurred in Nepal in September 2025, during the ‘Jan Andolan III’ movement. Triggered directly by the sudden ban on twenty-six major digital platforms including TikTok and YouTube, the youth viewed this policy as a deliberate destruction of their digital livelihoods. Following a violent confrontation at Maitighar Mandala in Kathmandu, nationwide riots forced the resignation of Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli and eventually to the choice of judicial figurehead to lead an interim government. By early this year, the movement shifted from external street disruption to internal systemic transformation, finally embodied by Nepal’s historic general elections on March 5. Though in its nascent and purely digital counter-narrative state, this phenomenon has hit our country in the form of the Cockroach Janata Party (CJP). Following the controversial remarks by the Chief Justice of India, young digital strategists launched the CJP under the hashtag ‘#MainBhiCockroach.’ The movement gained nineteen million followers in five days, proving that the undercurrents of generational frustration could bypass physical conflict entirely and manifest as overwhelming digital narrative warfare. To understand why these diverse geographic events occurred in serial concordance, one must look beyond standard copybook political explanations. Though unemployment is the structural backbone for these movements, the uprisings feature an amalgam of economic stagnation, mobility constraints and the abrupt termination of technocratic access. Historically, developing states with high youth accumulation have substantially managed domestic stability through labour migration. In Nepal, for example, nearly 14 percent of the domestic labour force works abroad, sending home remittances that account for nearly one-third of the national GDP. When global economic slowdowns, rising visa costs, and tighter immigration quotas in the Gulf States, Malaysia, and Europe closed these traditional economic exit routes, the domestic pressure intensified. This economic constraint collided directly with the ‘relative deprivation gap’ accelerated by social media. Prior to the smartphone era, the wealth gap between the ruling political class and the working-class public was mostly obscured. Platforms like TikTok, Instagram, and YouTube fundamentally democratized the visibility of corruption. When governments attempted to resolve the resulting social friction by imposing digital blockades, they fundamentally misunderstood the nature of the modern internet. For Gen Z, the internet was their primary economic infrastructure. Shutting it down directly dismantled their freelance networks and digital micro-enterprises. With their domestic jobs non-existent, foreign visas unobtainable, and digital spaces blocked, millions of young people were left with no alternative but to occupy the streets. What emerges as the connecting characteristic of these global movements is the absolute absence of a unifying political ideology. Bypassing prevalent debates these movements operate as hyper-focused crusades for basic institutional functionality, accountability, and meritocracy. Tactical Agility This post-ideological stance gives the modern youth movement radical tactical agility. Because they are not bound to a rigid party manifesto, they can mobilize instantly around specific, tangible grievances. Traditional state apparatuses have been designed to combat structured opposition parties through ideological propaganda and counter-narratives to neutralize decentralized networks thriving on internet culture. The emergence of the Cockroach Janata Party perfectly illustrates this dynamic. By ironically adopting a satirical manifesto that combined serious demands with absurdist declarations of being a “lazy” party, the movement insulated itself from traditional state security crackdowns. The state’s attempt to suppress the CJP by restricting its social media accounts exposed that traditional structures do not know how to politically defeat a viral meme. However, if a regime change takes place like Nepal, this lack of structural ideology creates a profound systemic void. Because these movements are unified entirely by what they 'oppose rather than what they want to 'build', the post-revolution transition period is naturally fragile. It is within this vacuum of transition that Nepal’s current political experiment has become a vital case study for global politics. The centrist, youth-backed Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) achieved an unprecedented landslide victory, the largest single-party majority since Nepal's restoration of democracy. If the Balen Shah administration achieves their proposed economic goals with acceptable deviation, it will provide a definitive proof-of-concept for modern governance: that technocratic competence can serve as a stable, standalone alternative to traditional political ideology. By treating national management as a problem of engineering and resource optimization, Nepal is actively testing whether a state can be effectively run on data, transparency and administrative efficiency. The global wave of Gen Z revolutions has fundamentally altered the rules of political engagement. Yet, the ultimate legacy of this generational shift will not be decided by the speed with which it clears the political slate, but by its capacity to govern. If the technocratic experiment currently underway in Nepal succeeds, it could serve as a blueprint for youth movements globally. Whether this marks the end of ideology or merely its latest reinvention remains uncertain. What is clear, however, is that a generation raised on algorithms, transparency and instant connectivity is no longer content to inherit the political assumptions of the twentieth century. If Gen Z succeeds in transforming protest into governance, the defining political divide of the future may no longer be between Left and Right, but between competence and incompetence. (The writer is a Lead Process Engineer with GE HealthCare in France and an author. Views personal.)

Bharat’s Jetson Cities, Light-years Away from Nature

Updated: Jan 20, 2025

Jetson Cities

One thing is for certain: our Bharatiya cities, the big metros and towns, are fast becoming like the ‘Jetson’ cities. For those who are unaware of Jetson cities, these were first shown in the famous Hanna-Barbera cartoon series, the Jetsons, set in the 2100s, where cities are air-tight glass globules tethered to the ground, and the only way to get in and out are the flying cars. Yes, we, the city-dwellers, aspire to tall skyscrapers, spectacular bridges, world-class tunnels, swooshing metro trains, and we are building Jetson-like flying cars. A few HD drone images here and there, during the day and at night and around twilight, and we are content that our cities have become the cynosure of our own eyes. We want our cities to be brightly lit, with neon signs, laser shows, and large billboard videos. We would then fulfil our inner desire to have a city on par with Tokyo, New York, and Shanghai.


Our buildings, designed for the next 30 years, are well air-conditioned, shielding occupants from a soupy dust bowl of brown smog, soot, particulate matter, and fine dust. It is said that most new home buyers invest at least 10% of their property’s price in enhancing the interiors, soundproofing their homes, using air purifiers and conditioners, and disconnecting from the outside world for that much-needed solace. Indeed, large builders promote their projects as close to nature amidst tranquillity. However, there is always another builder eager to get one plot of land ahead of yours to enjoy that nature. To be truthful, access to nature now comes at a premium - even the skies.


Let’s assume the working-age population is occupied in the leisure of our Jetson cities, but how many of their young school and college-going kids have seen the long arm of the Milky Way galaxy from their cities? How many have witnessed a comet zooming by? How many know about endemic plants with medicinal properties? When did they last see a chirping house sparrow? How many know that the nearest sewage drain was once a freshwater stream? When did they last find their suburban beach prettier than the resort beaches of Maldives?


The intent to ask these questions is simple: Bharat is currently at a crossroads. Pundits are enthusiastic about a cultural renaissance on the horizon. Corporate leaders, on the other hand, want us to invest hundreds of hours each week to pay our dues to the growth of the national GDP. But no one asks, if a cultural renaissance is to occur, who will generate the new understandings and insights of nature that arise typically during such a period of human advancement? No one is actually asking, for whom are we building the nation if there is no time for children, or worse, if there is no time or intent to have children. In the process of growing rich, we are about to become old. By 2047, 65% of the population under the age of 35 will grow beyond 35 all at once, and we’d have an enormous population in advanced ages with a tapering young population, a graph that looks like a banyan tree. Unfortunately, that young population will have no access to the knowledge that nature has to offer, neither flora and fauna nor the seas and the skies.


Our urbane lifestyles need tempering. Such tempering can occur only if we ensure the revival of natural sciences during this period of cultural renaissance and nation-building. Let’s not rely solely on the educational system. With Indian Knowledge Systems, constructive changes are underway, and academic curricula are poised to improve for the greater good. However, true knowledge arises only when parents and grandparents introduce children to nature. Genuine understanding also develops from extracurricular activities in schools and colleges that encourage kids to observe, journal, and act on their discoveries. On the positive side, our country’s forest cover is increasing, as announced by the government. However, efforts must be made to ensure that every school or college, whether in Mumbai, Vijayawada, Gorakhpur, Ratlam, Thrissur, Bhuj, Faridabad, Imphal, Manali, Cuttack, or Ajmer, guarantees that their students are well aware of the endemic nature of their surroundings and are regularly observing and recording data on whatever interests them. Let kids observe rivers and understand the volume of water that flows through them. Let children learn about the decline of house sparrows in their cities and what steps should be taken to revive their populations. Let them study the bees in their nearby groves and recognise the vital role these bees play in nature.


Of course, you need to learn AI, robotics, fintech, the next generation of management courses, and all the engineering bells and whistles. However, we must not leave the next generation with inadequate comprehension and skills for understanding nature. We must ensure that nature conservation is not merely lip service or a tool for politicised green activists. This can be achieved if natural sciences are given the respect they deserve at the school, undergraduate, and postgraduate levels.


Indeed, I am a plebeian, and you might feel that you, too, could write a rant about the plight of our urban lives. Urban development and municipal experts have many solutions to propose, but few are willing to take action. However, that is not the issue I wish to highlight. I aim to illustrate a much larger concern—that Indian city dwellers are disoriented and devoid of nature, lacking a guiding star to lead them toward a brighter future. Our cities of Mumbai, Delhi, Bengaluru, Ahmedabad, Kolkata, and Chennai have taken on characteristics reminiscent of Jetson-like cities. We show little regard for the Nagar Devata, Gram Devata, and Van Devata, who have protected the cities, towns, and forests that once surrounded us. We wait for formal governance to clean up our beaches, rivers, and ponds without making sufficient efforts to prevent pollution in the first place.


For those striving to grasp spirituality not through the Puranas and Aadi-Granth but through new-age podcasts, I recommend watching Vinay Varanasi’s podcast on Bhagavan Vishnu’s Dashavatar. If it is clear that Bhagavan Vishnu does not tolerate disregard for Bhudevi or Mother Earth, why do we, the devotees of Bhagavan Vishnu, continue to pollute our Mother Earth—her air, soil, waters, and sounds? Or have we taken Elon Musk's words at face value, assuming our next destination is Mars after destroying Earth, only to ruin Mars later, even worse than its current clinically sterile state? If that is the case, then bear with me when I say this: these Jetson cities stand on precarious pillars of ego, victimhood, apathy, and consumerism, waiting to be toppled either by the true harbingers of order or by false prophets. Therefore, teach the next generations to observe nature, appreciate our coexistence with other species, and venerate the forces of nature. By doing so, we humans will be good, at least for the next thousand years. If not, prepare for a bleak future by the end of this century.


(The author is a Space and Emerging Technology Fellow at the Centre for Security, Strategy and Technology, Observer Research Foundation, Mumbai. Views personal.)

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