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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

The Unequal Cousins

Raj Thackeray’s ‘sacrifice’ saved Shiv Sena (UBT) but sank the MNS Mumbai: In the volatile theatre of Maharashtra politics, the long-awaited reunion of the Thackeray cousins on the campaign trail was supposed to be the masterstroke that reclaimed Mumbai. The results of the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections, however, tell a story of tragic asymmetry. While the alliance has successfully helped the Shiv Sena (UBT) stem the saffron tide and regain lost ground, it has left Raj...

The Unequal Cousins

Raj Thackeray’s ‘sacrifice’ saved Shiv Sena (UBT) but sank the MNS Mumbai: In the volatile theatre of Maharashtra politics, the long-awaited reunion of the Thackeray cousins on the campaign trail was supposed to be the masterstroke that reclaimed Mumbai. The results of the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections, however, tell a story of tragic asymmetry. While the alliance has successfully helped the Shiv Sena (UBT) stem the saffron tide and regain lost ground, it has left Raj Thackeray’s Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) staring at an existential crisis. The final tally reveals a brutal reality for the MNS - Raj Thackeray played the role of the savior for his cousin, but in the process, he may have become the sole loser of the 2026 mandate. The worse part is that the Shiv Sena (UBT) is reluctant to accept this and is blaming Raj for the poor performance of his party leading to the defeat. A granular analysis of the ward-wise voting patterns exposes the fundamental flaw in this tactical alliance. The vote transfer, the holy grail of any coalition, operated strictly on a one-way street. Data suggests that the traditional MNS voter—often young, aggressive, and driven by regional pride—heeded Raj Thackeray’s call and transferred their votes to Shiv Sena (UBT) candidates in wards where the MNS did not contest. This consolidation was critical in helping the UBT hold its fortresses against the BJP's "Infra Man" juggernaut. However, the favor was not returned. In seats allocated to the MNS, the traditional Shiv Sena (UBT) voter appeared hesitant to back the "Engine" (MNS symbol). Whether due to lingering historical bitterness or a lack of instructions from the local UBT leadership, the "Torch" (UBT symbol) voters did not gravitate toward Raj’s candidates. The result? The UBT survived, while the MNS candidates were left stranded. ‘Second Fiddle’ Perhaps the most poignant aspect of this election was the shift in the personal dynamic between the Thackeray brothers. Decades ago, they parted ways over a bitter dispute regarding who would control the party helm. Raj, refusing to work under Uddhav, formed the MNS to chart his own path. Yet, in 2026, the wheel seems to have come full circle. By agreeing to contest a considerably lower number of seats and focusing his energy on the broader alliance narrative, Raj Thackeray tacitly accepted the role of "second fiddle." It was a pragmatic gamble to save the "Thackeray" brand from total erasure by the BJP-Shinde combine. While the brand survived, it is Uddhav who holds the equity, while Raj has been left with the debt. Charisma as a Charity Throughout the campaign, Raj Thackeray’s rallies were, as always, electric. His fiery oratory and charismatic presence drew massive crowds, a sharp contrast to the more somber tone of the UBT leadership. Ironically, this charisma served as a force multiplier not for his own party, but for his cousin’s. Raj acted as the star campaigner who energised the anti-BJP vote bank. He successfully articulated the anger against the "Delhi-centric" politics he accuses the BJP of fostering. But when the dust settled, the seats were won by UBT candidates who rode the wave Raj helped create. The MNS chief provided the wind for the sails, but the ship that docked in the BMC was captained by Uddhav. ‘Marathi Asmita’ Stung by the results and the realisation of the unequal exchange, Raj Thackeray took to social media shortly after the counting concluded. In an emotive post, he avoided blaming the alliance partner but instead pivoted back to his ideological roots. Urging his followers to "stick to the issue of Marathi Manoos and Marathi Asmita (pride)," Raj signaled a retreat to the core identity politics that birthed the MNS. It was a somber appeal, stripped of the bravado of the campaign, hinting at a leader who knows he must now rebuild from the rubble. The 2026 BMC election will be remembered as the moment Raj Thackeray proved he could be a kingmaker, even if it meant crowning the rival he once despised. He provided the timely help that allowed the Shiv Sena (UBT) to live to fight another day. But in the ruthless arithmetic of democracy, where moral victories count for little, the MNS stands isolated—a party that gave everything to the alliance and received nothing in return. Ironically, there are people within the UBT who still don’t want to accept this and on the contrary blame Raj Thackeray for dismal performance of the MNS, which they argue, derailed the UBT arithmetic. They state that had the MNS performed any better, the results would have been much better for the UBT.

Govt Medical Colleges Battle Faculty Shortage

The National Medical Commission’s new rules allow non-teaching hospitals to step in, but experts warn of risks.

In a significant and far-reaching policy shift aimed at tackling the shortage of teaching faculty in government-run medical colleges across the country, the National Medical Commission (NMC) has introduced a new set of regulations. These updated norms now allow non-teaching government hospitals that have a bed capacity of more than 220 to be officially designated as medical teaching institutions, thereby expanding the pool of eligible facilities that can contribute to medical education and training.


Once these hospitals are officially notified, doctors currently serving in them will become eligible to take on roles as teaching faculty for both undergraduate and postgraduate medical courses. This important policy shift is anticipated to offer a much-needed lifeline to numerous government medical colleges that are presently struggling to maintain their recognition status due to severe shortages in qualified teaching staff.


However, members of the medical community have expressed growing concerns regarding the practical implementation of these new regulations at the ground level. A number of these non-teaching government hospitals already grapple with their own staff shortages. And the added burden of academic responsibilities could place a further strain on an already overstretched healthcare workforce. Experts have cautioned that while the regulation may appear to address faculty shortages on paper, it risks compromising the overall quality of medical education. This risk can only be mitigated if it is supported by concrete steps in recruitment, capacity building, and adequate infrastructure development.


The ongoing faculty crisis in India’s medical education system has reached an alarming level. Despite repeated advertisements, recruitment drives, and urgent appeals by state authorities, a large number of teaching posts in government medical colleges continue to remain vacant across the country. A recent evaluation conducted by the Maharashtra University of Health Sciences (MUHS) highlighted the severity of the problem. It revealed that more than 50 per cent of sanctioned teaching positions in several state-run medical colleges remain unfilled. The situation is even more critical in newly established institutions — for instance, in the government medical college at Ratnagiri, a mere 18 per cent of the approved faculty positions have been filled.


According to the norms laid down by the National Medical Commission (NMC), every medical college is required to maintain at least 90 per cent of its sanctioned teaching staff to retain its official recognition. Falling below this critical benchmark can have serious consequences, including the potential cancellation of the college’s recognition status—an outcome that would particularly affect the continuation and approval of postgraduate programmes. The gravity of the situation had left many institutions on the brink, prompting urgent intervention by the NMC.

 

Previously, only non-teaching government hospitals with a bed capacity exceeding 330 were eligible to be considered for designation as teaching institutions. This higher threshold significantly limited the number of hospitals that could contribute to medical education.


However, with the revised guidelines now lowering the minimum requirement to 220 beds, a much larger number of government hospitals across the country can now qualify for teaching status.


Further, under the new Medical Institutions (Qualifications of Faculty) Regulations, 2025, the NMC has relaxed several norms to broaden the faculty base: Specialists with at least 10 years of clinical experience can now be directly appointed as associate professors. Doctors with 2 years of experience can be appointed as Assistant Professors even without completing a senior residency. Doctors holding super-specialty degrees but working in broad-speciality departments will now be formally recognised as faculty in their respective speciality departments. To start a postgraduate course, earlier norms required three professors and one senior resident. Now, just two faculty members and two students are sufficient. A simultaneous launch of undergraduate and postgraduate programmes is now permitted.


This sweeping regulatory overhaul is closely aligned with the Union Government’s announcement in the Budget 2025, which outlined an ambitious plan to add 75,000 new medical education seats across the country over the next five years. One of the most significant obstacles to achieving this target has been the persistent and widespread shortage of qualified teaching faculty, a challenge that the new policy changes are specifically designed to address.


The NMC has defended its decision, stating that the emphasis has shifted from rigid service-duration criteria to teaching ability, experience, and academic merit. The move is also seen as a strategic effort to better utilise the existing workforce within government healthcare services.


While the reforms promise to expand medical education infrastructure, their success will depend on how effectively these new faculty appointments are integrated without compromising the quality of training and patient care.


(The writer is a senior journalist based in Kolhapur.)

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