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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Red flag to green steel

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron...

Red flag to green steel

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron (DRI) and pellet plant. This ‘green steel’ project, part of LMEL’s push for an integrated steel complex in the region, is functioning not just as an industrial unit but as a crucial pillar in the Maharashtra government’s surrender-cum-rehabilitation policy. So far, LMEL, in coordination with the state government and the Gadchiroli Police, has provided employment and training to 68 surrendered Maoists and 14 members of families affected by Naxal violence, a total of 82 individuals, offering them a definitive pathway back to the mainstream. The Shift The transformation begins at the company’s dedicated Lloyds Skill Development and Training Centre at Konsari. Recognizing that many former cadres had limited formal education, the company implements a structured, skill-based rehabilitation model. They are trained in essential technical and operational skills required for plant administration, civil construction, and mechanical operations. For individuals like Govinda Atala, a former deputy commander, the change is palpable. “After surrendering, I got the right to live a new life,” Atala said. “I am very happy to get this job. I am now living my life on my own; there is no pressure on me now.” Suresh Hichame, who spent over a decade in the movement before surrendering in 2009 too echoed the sentiments. He realized the path of violence offered neither him nor his family any benefit. Moreover, his self-respecct was hurt. He knew several languages and carried out several crucial tasks for the banned organization remaining constantly under the shadow of death. Today, he works in the plant, receiving a steady monthly salary that enables him to care for his family—a basic dignity the ‘Red Ideology’ could never provide. The monthly salaries of the rehabilitated workers, typically ranging from Rs 13,000 to Rs 20,000, are revolutionary in a region long characterized by poverty and lack of opportunities. Trust, Stability The employment of former Maoists is a brave and calculated risk for LMEL, an industry that historically faced stiff opposition and even violence from the left wing extremist groups. LMEL’s management, however, sees it as an investment in inclusive growth and long-term stability for the district. The LMEL has emphasized the company’s commitment to training and facilitating career growth for the local populace, including the surrendered cadres. This commitment to local workforce upskilling is proving to be a highly effective counter-insurgency strategy, chipping away at the foundation of the Maoist movement: the exploitation of local grievances and lack of economic options. The reintegration effort extends beyond the factory floor. By providing stable incomes and a sense of purpose, LMEL helps the former rebels navigate the social transition. They are now homeowners, taxpayers, and active members of the community, replacing the identity of an outlaw with that of a respected employee. This social acceptance, coupled with economic independence, is the true measure of rehabilitation. The successful employment of cadres, some of whom were once high-ranking commanders, also sends a powerful message to those still active in the jungle: the path to a peaceful and prosperous life is open and tangible. It transforms the promise of government rehabilitation into a concrete reality. The plant, with its production of iron ore and steel, is physically transforming the region into an emerging industrial hub, and in doing so, it is symbolically forging the nation’s progress out of the ashes of extremism. The coordinated effort between private industry, the state government, and the Gadchiroli police is establishing a new environment of trust, stability, and economic progress, marking Gadchiroli’s transition from a Maoist hotbed to a model of inclusive and sustainable development.

Fires of Superstition

Bihar’s crumbling state governance is ensuring that witch-hunts remain a grim reality in India’s heartland.

Bihar
Bihar

When a mob in rural Bihar set five members of a family on fire for alleged witchcraft, it was reminiscent of the bad old days for an often-disparaged state. It reflects poorly that India, a nuclear power with ambitions of becoming a global leader, continues to permit medieval violence to fester unchecked in its hinterland. In Purnia district, a woman named Sita Devi was blamed for the illness and death of a neighbour’s child. What followed later in the backwater Tetgama village was governance failure in its rawest form.


Fifty people barged into the family’s home, beat them with bamboo poles, doused them with inflammables, and set them alight. Five corpses were later found dumped under water hyacinth. A 16-year-old boy, Sonu Kumar, barely escaped.


In most countries, such a gruesome act would provoke national outrage, emergency interventions and even high-level resignations. But in India’s tribal and rural interiors, witch-hunting remains both a social practice and a symptom of broken policing, caste tensions, entrenched patriarchy and a political class that would rather look away.


The Purnia massacre is far from isolated. In 2021, five women were dragged out of their homes in Jharkhand’s Bokaro district and bludgeoned to death for allegedly casting evil spells. In 2022, in Odisha’s Mayurbhanj, an entire family was lynched on suspicion of practising black magic. In Khunti, Jharkhand, in 2015, women were stripped, paraded naked, and beaten for supposedly causing illness in the village. In Dumka, Bihar, in 2020, an elderly woman was tied to a tree and killed after a child died mysteriously.


Women, particularly those who are elderly. The charge of ‘witchcraft’ becomes a social weapon to settle scores, grab property, or reinforce caste and gender hierarchies. The official justification is always illness, death or misfortune. But beneath lies a more calculated cruelty that the state has done little to deter.


It is not that laws are absent. Jharkhand passed an anti-witchcraft act in 2001. Bihar and Odisha followed with their own legislation criminalising witch-hunting and penalising those who instigate or participate in such acts. But enforcement is sporadic at best. Police are either absent, under-staffed or under pressure to maintain the fiction of rural harmony. Arrests, when made, are symbolic. Villagers admit to witnessing the violence but did not intervene.


This erosion of justice is a structural malaise. Rural India, particularly tribal belts in eastern states, suffers from a yawning governance deficit. Health systems are fragile, schools ineffective and state institutions distant. In such a vacuum, centuries-old beliefs fester. Disease and death, instead of being understood through medicine, are interpreted as curses. The local ‘ojha’ or witch-doctor gains more authority than the district magistrate.


The state’s response is unforgivably weak. Awareness campaigns are patchy and underfunded. Witness protection is non-existent. Political leaders avoid confronting the issue for fear of offending dominant local sentiments. The result is an informal apartheid of reason.


The human cost is severe. According to India’s National Crime Records Bureau, over 2,500 women were murdered between 2000 and 2020 after being branded witches. Jharkhand alone has accounted for over 500 such killings. The actual number is likely higher, given widespread under-reporting and the quiet collusion of local elites in suppressing such cases. And behind each statistic is a story like that of Sita Devi - of someone beaten not just by neighbours, but by an indifferent republic.


India cannot hope to ascend on the global stage while tolerating medieval violence in its villages. The fight against witch-hunting is not just about superstition but restoring the primacy of law, reason and basic human dignity. That requires political courage, sustained education and institutional reform.


Tetgama, the village where five people were burned to death this month, is not cursed. But it is condemned by neglect, by silence and by a state that shows up after the fires have cooled.

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