Red flag to green steel

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron...

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Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron (DRI) and pellet plant. This ‘green steel’ project, part of LMEL’s push for an integrated steel complex in the region, is functioning not just as an industrial unit but as a crucial pillar in the Maharashtra government’s surrender-cum-rehabilitation policy. So far, LMEL, in coordination with the state government and the Gadchiroli Police, has provided employment and training to 68 surrendered Maoists and 14 members of families affected by Naxal violence, a total of 82 individuals, offering them a definitive pathway back to the mainstream. The Shift The transformation begins at the company’s dedicated Lloyds Skill Development and Training Centre at Konsari. Recognizing that many former cadres had limited formal education, the company implements a structured, skill-based rehabilitation model. They are trained in essential technical and operational skills required for plant administration, civil construction, and mechanical operations. For individuals like Govinda Atala, a former deputy commander, the change is palpable. “After surrendering, I got the right to live a new life,” Atala said. “I am very happy to get this job. I am now living my life on my own; there is no pressure on me now.” Suresh Hichame, who spent over a decade in the movement before surrendering in 2009 too echoed the sentiments. He realized the path of violence offered neither him nor his family any benefit. Moreover, his self-respecct was hurt. He knew several languages and carried out several crucial tasks for the banned organization remaining constantly under the shadow of death. Today, he works in the plant, receiving a steady monthly salary that enables him to care for his family—a basic dignity the ‘Red Ideology’ could never provide. The monthly salaries of the rehabilitated workers, typically ranging from Rs 13,000 to Rs 20,000, are revolutionary in a region long characterized by poverty and lack of opportunities. Trust, Stability The employment of former Maoists is a brave and calculated risk for LMEL, an industry that historically faced stiff opposition and even violence from the left wing extremist groups. LMEL’s management, however, sees it as an investment in inclusive growth and long-term stability for the district. The LMEL has emphasized the company’s commitment to training and facilitating career growth for the local populace, including the surrendered cadres. This commitment to local workforce upskilling is proving to be a highly effective counter-insurgency strategy, chipping away at the foundation of the Maoist movement: the exploitation of local grievances and lack of economic options. The reintegration effort extends beyond the factory floor. By providing stable incomes and a sense of purpose, LMEL helps the former rebels navigate the social transition. They are now homeowners, taxpayers, and active members of the community, replacing the identity of an outlaw with that of a respected employee. This social acceptance, coupled with economic independence, is the true measure of rehabilitation. The successful employment of cadres, some of whom were once high-ranking commanders, also sends a powerful message to those still active in the jungle: the path to a peaceful and prosperous life is open and tangible. It transforms the promise of government rehabilitation into a concrete reality. The plant, with its production of iron ore and steel, is physically transforming the region into an emerging industrial hub, and in doing so, it is symbolically forging the nation’s progress out of the ashes of extremism. The coordinated effort between private industry, the state government, and the Gadchiroli police is establishing a new environment of trust, stability, and economic progress, marking Gadchiroli’s transition from a Maoist hotbed to a model of inclusive and sustainable development.

Charting a Lone Path

Correspondent
Jul 7
3 min read

By rejecting both Dravidian titans and the BJP, Tamil superstar Vijay is gambling on a third front of his own making.

In Tamil Nadu’s unruly political theatre, a new protagonist has been scripting his own role for some time now. Actor-turned-politician Vijay, known to legions simply as ‘Thalapathy’ (commander), recently made it official that his party - the TamilagaVettriKazhagam (TVK) - will contest the 2026 state assembly election solo, with Vijay himself as its chief ministerial candidate.

This resolution, passed unanimously at the TVK’s executive committee meeting last week, sets the stage for a dramatic confrontation with Tamil Nadu’s entrenched duopoly - the DMK and AIADMK - while firmly rebuffing the overtures of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). “TVK is neither DMK nor AIADMK to shake hands with BJP for selfish political interests,” Vijay declared, adding that his party would never forge an alliance (direct or indirect) with “ideological enemies and divisive forces.”

It was a message steeped in regional pride and political morality. In a state that has long resisted the saffron party’s ideological expansionism, Vijay’s rhetoric struck a chord. He accused the BJP of stoking communal tensions and attempting to undermine Tamil Nadu’s foundational values of social justice and secularism, invoking Dravidian icons such as Periyar and C.N. Annadurai to underline his point.

With these remarks, Vijay appears to have drawn a red line between himself and the BJP, whose alliance with the AIADMK remains uneasy and transactional. While Union Home Minister Amit Shah has declared that the next Tamil Nadu government would be formed by the BJP-AIADMK combine, he conspicuously stopped short of naming a chief ministerial candidate. AIADMK chief Edappadi K. Palaniswami (EPS) has been trying to reassert his party’s primacy, insisting that any alliance will be led by the AIADMK and warning that “no party, however big, can dominate it.”

The BJP has long been seeking to script its own Tamil Nadu story, with or without the Dravidian parties. Its overt courtship of popular figures such as Vijay has long been rumoured, and the AIADMK has kept the doors open. “All those who wish to oust the DMK are welcome,” EPS had remarked coyly, when asked about Vijay’s TVK.

However, that door now appears firmly shut. Not only has Vijay rejected the BJP, but TVK’s general secretary for propaganda and policy, K.G. Arunraj, has ruled out any alliance with the AIADMK even in a post-BJP configuration. In Arunraj’s view, the people of Tamil Nadu are yearning for an alternative that is not merely anti-incumbent but transformative.

For now, that vision remains aspirational. TVK has yet to prove its electoral mettle. Vijay’s political brand, though undeniably powerful, is still untested at the ballot box. The party plans to enrol 20 million members, hold 12,500 grassroots meetings and launch a state-wide outreach tour from September through December.

Vijay has also demonstrated a willingness to move beyond platitudes and into policy terrain. He slammed the DMK government’s land acquisition push for the controversial Parandur airport project, calling it “state terrorism” and vowing to lead a march to the secretariat unless the chief minister responded to affected farmers. In another resolution, TVK demanded that M.K. Stalin resign as home minister over a custodial death, citing moral responsibility.

By attacking the DMK on governance and the BJP on ideology, and by refusing the embrace of the AIADMK, Vijay is attempting to carve out a credible third force. His challenge is formidable. The state’s electorate has long oscillated between the DMK and AIADMK, each buoyed by decades of incumbency, welfare legacies and entrenched patronage networks.

But in Tamil Nadu, charisma can also translate into currency. Vijay, whose fan base spans generations and districts, may have just enough of it to make a dent. For now, Vijay’s script is bold and his entry is at a timely juncture. Whether he emerges as hero or footnote will depend on whether Tamil Nadu’s voters are ready to turn the page.

Red flag to green steel

Charting a Lone Path

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