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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Red flag to green steel

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron...

Red flag to green steel

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron (DRI) and pellet plant. This ‘green steel’ project, part of LMEL’s push for an integrated steel complex in the region, is functioning not just as an industrial unit but as a crucial pillar in the Maharashtra government’s surrender-cum-rehabilitation policy. So far, LMEL, in coordination with the state government and the Gadchiroli Police, has provided employment and training to 68 surrendered Maoists and 14 members of families affected by Naxal violence, a total of 82 individuals, offering them a definitive pathway back to the mainstream. The Shift The transformation begins at the company’s dedicated Lloyds Skill Development and Training Centre at Konsari. Recognizing that many former cadres had limited formal education, the company implements a structured, skill-based rehabilitation model. They are trained in essential technical and operational skills required for plant administration, civil construction, and mechanical operations. For individuals like Govinda Atala, a former deputy commander, the change is palpable. “After surrendering, I got the right to live a new life,” Atala said. “I am very happy to get this job. I am now living my life on my own; there is no pressure on me now.” Suresh Hichame, who spent over a decade in the movement before surrendering in 2009 too echoed the sentiments. He realized the path of violence offered neither him nor his family any benefit. Moreover, his self-respecct was hurt. He knew several languages and carried out several crucial tasks for the banned organization remaining constantly under the shadow of death. Today, he works in the plant, receiving a steady monthly salary that enables him to care for his family—a basic dignity the ‘Red Ideology’ could never provide. The monthly salaries of the rehabilitated workers, typically ranging from Rs 13,000 to Rs 20,000, are revolutionary in a region long characterized by poverty and lack of opportunities. Trust, Stability The employment of former Maoists is a brave and calculated risk for LMEL, an industry that historically faced stiff opposition and even violence from the left wing extremist groups. LMEL’s management, however, sees it as an investment in inclusive growth and long-term stability for the district. The LMEL has emphasized the company’s commitment to training and facilitating career growth for the local populace, including the surrendered cadres. This commitment to local workforce upskilling is proving to be a highly effective counter-insurgency strategy, chipping away at the foundation of the Maoist movement: the exploitation of local grievances and lack of economic options. The reintegration effort extends beyond the factory floor. By providing stable incomes and a sense of purpose, LMEL helps the former rebels navigate the social transition. They are now homeowners, taxpayers, and active members of the community, replacing the identity of an outlaw with that of a respected employee. This social acceptance, coupled with economic independence, is the true measure of rehabilitation. The successful employment of cadres, some of whom were once high-ranking commanders, also sends a powerful message to those still active in the jungle: the path to a peaceful and prosperous life is open and tangible. It transforms the promise of government rehabilitation into a concrete reality. The plant, with its production of iron ore and steel, is physically transforming the region into an emerging industrial hub, and in doing so, it is symbolically forging the nation’s progress out of the ashes of extremism. The coordinated effort between private industry, the state government, and the Gadchiroli police is establishing a new environment of trust, stability, and economic progress, marking Gadchiroli’s transition from a Maoist hotbed to a model of inclusive and sustainable development.

Drawing the Line

The Madhya Pradesh High Court has delivered a necessary rebuke to the habitual mockery of Hindu symbols and institutions masquerading as satire.

Madhya Pradesh
Madhya Pradesh

In a democracy, the right to free speech is sacrosanct. But when that freedom is wielded not as a tool for debate but as a cudgel to insult, deride and provoke, especially on religious grounds, there must be consequences. The Madhya Pradesh High Court has reminded the country that the constitutional right to freedom of expression under Article 19(1)(a) does not offer immunity to deliberate malice when it mocks gods, defames institutions and sows discord.


The Indore bench of the High Court refused anticipatory bail to Hemant Malviya, a local cartoonist accused of posting a caricature maligning the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and most controversially, Lord Shiva. The court’s ruling was unequivocal. “The applicant clearly overstepped the threshold of freedom of speech and expression,” the judge said, describing the cartoon as not only demeaning but “a deliberate and malicious attempt to outrage religious feelings.”


The offence, registered after a complaint by an RSS worker, included sections under India’s new criminal code and the IT Act. At issue was not merely satire or political lampooning, but the targeted insult of Hindu sentiment through an unholy mash-up of religious iconography and political caricature.


Some may argue that cartoons, even offensive ones, must be protected in the spirit of democracy. And indeed, democracy dies when dissent is silenced. But it also frays when only certain faiths, figures or ideologies are held up to ridicule while others are treated as sacred cows, immune from even mild scrutiny. The double standards in Indian public discourse are glaring. A caricature of Lord Shiva prompts laughter in elite circles, but a cartoon of the Prophet Mohammed has set nations ablaze, leading to murder.


To be sure, freedom of expression cannot and should not be selectively applied when it comes to any religion. But that is precisely what has become the norm in India. There is a lopsided liberalism at play where ‘artistic freedom’ is evoked when Hindu deities are lampooned or when the Prime Minister is portrayed as a tyrant, but silence prevails when real blasphemy laws are applied in cases involving Islam. One wonders what the reaction would have been had Malviya’s cartoon featured the Prophet, or for that matter Jesus Christ. The likely answer would have been outrage fanned across continents.


For decades, India’s political and cultural establishment has normalised ridicule of the Hindu faith. From lampooning the RSS as ‘fascists’ to portraying deities in vulgar settings, the media, academia and self-styled liberals have revelled in a peculiar brand of secularism that grants protection to minorities while scorning the majority.


Contrast the legal leniency shown to those mocking Hindu beliefs with the impunity that still surrounds far graver offences. No major figure has ever been punished for inciting the 1984 anti-Sikh riots. To question those legacies is to risk being branded ‘communal’ or ‘regressive.’ But to smear Hindu traditions or call the RSS a terrorist group is somehow progressive.


The same constitution that upholds Article 19(1)(a) also limits it through Article 19(2), allowing “reasonable restrictions” on grounds of public order, morality and decency. The Malviya case falls squarely within these limits. His actions were not a mere critique of power or a clever skit of resistance but, in the court’s words, “prejudicial to the maintenance of harmony in the society.”


What the court has done is not to silence dissent, but to reaffirm that freedom is not a licence for abuse.


As India evolves as a pluralist democracy, courts must walk the tightrope between upholding liberty and preventing social strife. The Madhya Pradesh High Court, in this case, has walked that line with clarity and courage. Far from being an affront to free speech, its verdict is a much-needed assertion that no right is absolute, and that accountability applies equally to all -cartoonist or cleric, activist or artist.

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