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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 4:59:11 pm

Fadnavis reins in Sena’s Marathi push

AI generated image Mumbai: The ruling Mahayuti coalition in Maharashtra is witnessing a delicate political balancing act, with Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis increasingly overriding key decisions of alliance partners, particularly the Shiv Sena, while simultaneously attempting to placate them on other fronts. The tension within the alliance came to the fore on Thursday when Fadnavis stepped in to dilute a controversial mandate enforced by Shiv Sena Transport Minister Pratap Sarnaik, which...

Fadnavis reins in Sena’s Marathi push

AI generated image Mumbai: The ruling Mahayuti coalition in Maharashtra is witnessing a delicate political balancing act, with Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis increasingly overriding key decisions of alliance partners, particularly the Shiv Sena, while simultaneously attempting to placate them on other fronts. The tension within the alliance came to the fore on Thursday when Fadnavis stepped in to dilute a controversial mandate enforced by Shiv Sena Transport Minister Pratap Sarnaik, which required auto-rickshaw and taxi drivers in Mumbai to possess basic Marathi language proficiency. The Transport Department’s enforcement drive, which threatened non-Marathi-speaking drivers with suspension or cancellation of their licences, sparked outrage among North Indian drivers who form a sizeable section of the public transport workforce in the Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR). Protests brought parts of Mumbai, including Kandivali and Malad, to a standstill. Recognising the potential electoral fallout, Fadnavis intervened, saying drivers need not be “experts” in Marathi. He also extended the grace period for drivers to acquire a working knowledge of the language to one year, effectively diluting Sarnaik’s hardline stance. Fadnavis announced the decision after a delegation of transport operators met him. The episode highlights the conflicting political compulsions of the Mahayuti partners. Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena is keen to pursue a pro-Marathi, “sons of the soil” agenda to consolidate its traditional voter base and counter the rival Shiv Sena (UBT) faction led by Uddhav Thackeray. The BJP, however, relies heavily on North Indian and migrant voters in the MMR, particularly as crucial civic and state elections approach. Any aggressive regional policy that alienates this constituency could have electoral consequences for the party. The Marathi language issue is not an isolated instance of Fadnavis stepping in to override decisions associated with the Shiv Sena. It fits into a broader pattern of the chief minister’s administration reviewing or reversing several initiatives of the previous government headed by Shinde. In April 2026, the BJP-led Environment Department, headed by Minister Pankaja Munde, scrapped 14 lake conservation projects, 11 of which had been cleared during Shinde’s tenure, and ordered recovery of more than Rs 73 crore. The Fadnavis government has also modified several initiatives introduced by the previous regime. In January 2025, it altered Shinde’s three-course school meal plan, placing the responsibility on local school management committees to raise funds for sweet dishes. In April 2025, the government scrapped the ‘One State, One Uniform’ policy for schools. A Rs 3,200-crore tender for mechanised housekeeping services at government hospitals, issued under the Shinde government, was also stayed. Yet, Fadnavis remains conscious of the need to preserve the fragile alliance. To manage growing resentment within the Sena, he has adopted what can be described as a ‘blow hot, blow cold’ approach — overriding decisions when they clash with the BJP’s broader political interests while offering political concessions on other fronts. One such move was the recent appointment of Shiv Sena leader Bharat Gogawale as Guardian Minister of the politically important Raigad district, ending a 19-month-long tussle over the post. At the same time, the Mahayuti government recently reduced the powers exercised by Guardian Ministers over District Planning Committee (DPC) funds, directing that 70 per cent of the funds be allocated directly to local MLAs. The move is aimed at reducing the concentration of financial powers with individual ministers. As the Mahayuti navigates these competing interests, Fadnavis has also instructed alliance partners to resolve disputes internally and avoid public sparring. However, the latest confrontation over the Marathi language requirement underscores the limits of that arrangement. While Fadnavis continues to use his authority to protect the BJP’s broader electoral interests, the Shiv Sena remains under pressure to assert its regional identity and distinguish itself from the Thackeray faction. With elections approaching, balancing these competing political priorities is likely to remain one of the biggest challenges for the Mahayuti government.

A Constitutional Turning Point

The history of Indian democracy is not limited to elections or changes in government. It is also the story of expanding representation, increasing inclusion and the gradual evolution of power structures. For a long time, women did not receive equal space in this journey. While they were present in politics, their representation and influence remained limited. In this context, the ‘Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam’ stands out as an important step towards ensuring stronger and more meaningful participation of women in politics. The debate scheduled in Parliament from April 16 to 18 is not just a procedural exercise, it is also a test of the maturity and inclusiveness of Indian democracy.


Although women’s reservation received constitutional approval in 2023, its implementation was delayed due to technical reasons. The requirement of a fresh Census and subsequent delimitation- redrawing of seats- remained the biggest hurdle. Now, by allowing delimitation based on the 2011 Census, the government has taken a step towards removing this obstacle. This makes it increasingly possible for 33 percent reservation for women to be implemented in the Lok Sabha and state assemblies by 2029. This is not just a legal process, but the beginning of a significant structural change in Indian politics.


The history of women’s reservation in India has been shaped by a constant tension between opportunity and hesitation. Since its introduction in 1996, the bill remained stalled for nearly three decades, caught in political differences, social complexities and vote-bank politics. Even after being passed in the Rajya Sabha in 2010, it was not taken up in the Lok Sabha. This delay largely reflected a lack of political will and the influence of electoral considerations.


In contrast, the present central government has shown clear political will by deciding to implement this law in a structured manner, without being constrained by vote-bank concerns. The most visible impact of this change will be the significant rise in women’s representation in Parliament. From around 74 women MPs at present, the number could increase to over 270 in the future. This will allow women’s perspectives to be better reflected in policymaking and make the decision-making process more inclusive. The strong performance of women at the panchayat (local governance) level has already laid a solid foundation for this shift. Their proven leadership at the grassroots is now expected to shape politics at the state and national levels as well.


Social Dignity

This entire process is part of a well-thought-out, clearly planned and phased initiative. Women’s empowerment has not been limited to politics alone; instead, the focus began with improving social dignity, economic independence, and health security. Initiatives like Swachh Bharat Abhiyan and Ujjwala Yojana addressed everyday challenges faced by women. Schemes such as Jan Dhan, Direct Benefit Transfer, Mudra loans and Lakhpati Didi enhanced their economic participation, while Ayushman Bharat ensured health protection. The broader aim of these efforts has been to transform women from mere beneficiaries into active participants in development and now, the final step in this journey is political empowerment.


Women’s Power

The rising participation of women in voting clearly reflects this transformation. In 2024, women’s voter turnout reached 65.8 per cent, surpassing men in several states. This is not just a statistic, it signals that women have established a distinct political identity. In such a scenario, providing them with constitutional representation has become a necessity for a healthy democracy.


Amid these developments, some voices of opposition have also emerged. Certain political parties have termed the process as rushed. Former Congress President Sonia Gandhi, in an article, has questioned the intent of the government. However, it is important to examine these claims in light of facts.


Sonia Gandhi argues that the government is acting in haste, yet it was the same Congress party that, after the Bill was passed in 2023, demanded its immediate implementation. Rahul Gandhi had also called for its prompt execution. The party held press conferences across the country, stating that waiting for census and delimitation was not necessary. In this context, calling the current step ‘hurried’ appears contradictory.


Concerns regarding OBC reservation and representation of smaller states also deserve attention, but they too have a political history. Between 1998 and 2010, parties like the Samajwadi Party and Rashtriya Janata Dal opposed the Bill on these grounds, preventing its progress. During this period, the Congress did not take a firm stand against its allies. As a result, the issue often became more about political strategy than social justice.


On the matter of delimitation and state representation, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has clarified that no state will lose its Lok Sabha seats. He has also assured that concerns of southern and smaller states will be addressed through legal safeguards. Delimitation is a constitutional process that has been delayed for a long time, and its implementation is necessary to ensure balanced representation.


(The writer is a political analyst based in New Delhi.)

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