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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Educated Muslims being hounded: Owaisi

Mumbai: AIMIM President Asaduddin Owaisi has flayed what he termed as a ‘media trial’ in the alleged TCS Nashik conversion case and claimed that educated Muslims youth are being deliberately targeted as part of planned ‘hate campaign’, here on Saturday. Reiterating full faith in the judicial process, Owaisi said that justice cannot be handed out through media narratives or television debates and the law must be allowed to take its own course. “We are seeing a very dangerous trend… Now,...

Educated Muslims being hounded: Owaisi

Mumbai: AIMIM President Asaduddin Owaisi has flayed what he termed as a ‘media trial’ in the alleged TCS Nashik conversion case and claimed that educated Muslims youth are being deliberately targeted as part of planned ‘hate campaign’, here on Saturday. Reiterating full faith in the judicial process, Owaisi said that justice cannot be handed out through media narratives or television debates and the law must be allowed to take its own course. “We are seeing a very dangerous trend… Now, educated Muslims are being picked out for orchestrated allegations and media campaigns. This doesn’t augur well for society and justice itself with the media playing the role of the judge and jury,” said Owaisi sharply. Flanked by the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen state President Imtiaz Jaleel, Owaisi also emphatically said that it was wrong to link his party with the TCS case prime accused Nida Khan, “who will be ultimately proven innocent in the courts”. He expressed concerns over the slur campaign driven by malice and political motives against his party as well as Nida Khan in some sections of the media even before the investigations were completed or a judicial scrutiny. “Merely because some allegations have been hurled at a young woman professional, attempts are being made to paint her ‘guilty’ through media trials, even before judicial scrutiny. But, we have complete faith in the judiciary and are confident that the court will eventually exonerate her,” asserted Owaisi. Public Discourse Raising questions on the probe and accompanying public discourse with stress on the alleged recovery of certain ‘evidence’ from Nida Khan’s home, he sharply questioned: “Since when have a burqa, a niqab or religious literature become objectionable… Is wearing a hijab now regarded as evidence of a crime?” He said that these details along with baseless allegations are sensationalism in the media to create further prejudice against the minority community and reflected a deep-rooted hostility aimed at harassing educated Muslim men and women. Owaisi pointed out that a complaint in the TCS Nashik case was filed by a leader linked with the ruling party, and as per the software giant’s statement, Nida Khan was not with its HR Department and transferred even before the controversy erupted, contradicting several media reports. Of the nine cases lodged in the matter till date, in one case, she was accused of hurting religious sentiments, but nobody can comment on it before the court pronounces its verdict, he pointed out. Court Fight Dismissing attempts to drag and link the AIMIM into the row, he referred to a party Municipal Corporator Matin Patel who was booked merely on the basis of certain allegations and vowed to contest the matter in the court. Here Owaisi cited multiple examples of educated Muslims being scrutinised – including in Delhi when some educated youths were arrested for possessing a book by the legendary Urdu poet Mirza Ghalib and they were later released. There was another one from Allahabad where some Muslim boys were targeted for writing an Urdu ‘sher’ (couplet) prompting judicial intervention, and predicted that even in the Nashik TCS case, the truth will ultimately prevail as no criminal charges against Nida Khan may stand. AIMIM to set up voter help-desks AIMIM President and Hyderabad MP, Asaduddin Owaisi said his party is developing a digital application containing electoral records of all 288 Assembly constituencies in Maharashtra for 2002-2024, to help voters in the SIR process. For this, the AIMIM will set up help desk centers in its strongholds to facilitate the process and ensure proper utilisation of voter data. Alleging discrepancies in electoral records, he said such errors create huge problems for the voters, especially the poor or illiterates. Owaisi mentioned how of the nearly 27 lakh names placed in the adjudication list in West Bengal, “90 pc were poor Muslims.” These centers would be open for all Muslims, Buddhists, Christians, Dalits, Adivasis and the general public needing assistance with the electoral records.

A Fiscal Stress Test before FY26

India’s budget arithmetic now depends more on taxpayers, dividends and discipline than windfalls.

In 2025 India crossed a subtle but important threshold. The year marked not merely a continuation of post-pandemic recovery but a transition towards structural realignment. Domestic demand remained resilient even as global trade tensions, tariff barriers and slowing external growth clouded the horizon. What stood out was not immunity from shocks but adaptability.


With real GDP expanding by 8.2 percent in the second quarter of FY2025–26, the economy gave policymakers room to pursue fiscal consolidation without choking growth. As the Union Budget for FY26 approaches, the state of the Centre’s finances offers a revealing snapshot of India’s evolving economic model.


Complex Story

Tax collections, however, tell a more complicated story. In the first three quarters of FY26, direct taxes failed to keep pace with nominal GDP growth. By December 17 last year, net collections stood at Rs 17.04 trillion, an increase of 8 percent year on year but far below the budgeted growth target of 16.1 percent. Mid-November data showed growth slipping closer to 7 percent. Gross collections rose by a modest 4.16 percent to Rs 20.01 trillion. Slowing refunds preserved liquidity and helped the government meet interim deficit targets, though it masked underlying weakness in revenue momentum.


Beneath these aggregates lies a deeper structural shift. For the first time in decades, personal income tax (PIT) overtook corporate tax (CT) as the primary driver of buoyancy. India’s tax-to-GDP ratio, long tethered to corporate profitability, is increasingly anchored in individual incomes. In 2025 corporate tax collections amounted to Rs 8.17 trillion, while PIT touched Rs 8.47 trillion. This is no anomaly. Since 2000–01, PIT has grown at an average annual rate of 16 percent, slightly faster than the 15 percent pace of corporate taxes.


The composition of corporate tax revenues exposes a growing fragility. Just 0.1 percent of companies (around 743 firms with profits exceeding Rs. 500 crore) accounted for over 53 percent of CT collections in 2025. Such head-heavy dependence leaves the exchequer vulnerable to profit cycles among a handful of conglomerates. Personal income tax, by contrast, rests on a broader and more stable base. Although only about 6 percent of Indians pay income tax, their collective contribution offers greater resilience over time.


Policy choices accelerated this transition. In a calculated trade-off, the government raised the zero-tax threshold to Rs. 12 lakh, sacrificing roughly Rs 1 trillion in FY26 revenues to stimulate consumption. By late 2025 nearly 72 percent of taxpayers had migrated to the simplified new regime. The result was a clear boost to demand: private consumption rose 7.9 percent in the second quarter. Not all tax heads benefited. Securities transaction tax, projected to grow 41 percent, faltered as segments of the capital market cooled in the second and third quarters.


Indirect taxes underwent their most dramatic overhaul since the launch of the goods and services tax in 2017. September 2025 saw the introduction of ‘GST 2.0’ which replaced the labyrinthine multi-slab structure with a simpler two-tier system of 5 percent and 18 percent. The reform aimed to reduce compliance costs, curb inflation and offset global trade pressures through fiscal stimulus.


Initial data offered mixed signals. GST collections peaked in April at a record Rs 2.36 trillion gross (Rs 2.10 trillion net), buoyed by seasonal demand and lingering inflation. Thereafter monthly collections settled into a range of Rs 1.70–1.95 trillion as price pressures eased and consumption normalised. November’s gross GST take of Rs 1.70 trillion provided the first clear glimpse of GST 2.0 in action. Domestic GST fell 2.3 percent, while import GST rose by over 10 percent. The divergence suggests that while demand for industrial inputs and capital goods remains robust, household consumption is cooling.


Shock Absorbers

As tax revenues strained, non-tax receipts became the fiscal system’s shock absorbers. By November they had reached Rs 5.16 trillion, or 88.6 percent of the annual target, far ahead of last year’s pace. The linchpin was the Reserve Bank of India’s record dividend of Rs 2.69 trillion. Public-sector banks added Rs 34,990 crore, lifting the Centre’s share to Rs 22,699 crore. By late 2025 total dividends had climbed to Rs 3.39 trillion, exceeding the budgeted Rs 3.25 trillion. These windfalls enabled aggressive capital spending without breaching deficit targets. Yet critics warn of a ‘dividend trap’ - reliance on episodic transfers may delay tougher reforms to strengthen recurring revenues, a concern long echoed by the IMF.


Disinvestment, once pitched as a pillar of structural reform, remained anaemic. Targets were repeatedly trimmed to match reality. A shift towards value optimisation over outright sales has slowed execution, leaving privatisation more promise than practice.


On the spending side, the government’s priorities were unmistakable. Total expenditure for FY26 was set at Rs 50.65 trillion, a rise of 7.4 percent. Capital expenditure stood at the heart of the growth strategy, with an allocation of Rs 11.11 trillion, equivalent to 3.1–3.4 percent of GDP. By the first half of FY26, utilisation had reached 51.8 percent, sharply higher than a year earlier, driven by infrastructure projects under the National Infrastructure Pipeline. Revenue spending, by contrast, was tightly leashed, rising just 0.03 percent between April and October. Subsidies amounted to Rs 2.88 trillion, with food subsidies declining even as fertiliser and petroleum costs rose between 14 and 41 percent amid global volatility. Interest payments remained the heaviest burden, absorbing 25 percent of total spending and 37 percent of revenue receipts.


All this fed into the central question of the year: the fiscal deficit. The government aims to reduce it to 4.4 percent of GDP in FY26, from 4.8 percent in FY25. By November the deficit had already reached Rs 9.76 trillion, or 62.3 percent of the budget estimate, compared with 52.5 percent at the same point last year.


Looking ahead, the FY26 budget will test the government’s balancing act. Spending may have to slow in the second half to meet deficit goals, potentially tempering growth. Deregulation will deepen, with stable income tax rates and a more attractive new regime. Targeted support for MSMEs and tariff adjustments aligned with free-trade agreements are likely as the impact of steep US tariffs unfolds.


India still leads the global growth table. The challenge for policymakers is to turn a year of fiscal improvisation into a durable framework that balances ambition with restraint.

 

(The author is a Chartered Accountant with a leading company in Mumbai. Views personal.)


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