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By:

Rajiv Shah

22 September 2025 at 8:32:23 pm

New Alliances, New Pressures, New Fault Lines

To its west, old relationships in the Gulf are acquiring new strategic and military dimensions. Across the Atlantic, Washington is increasingly using tariffs as an instrument of foreign policy. At the same time, India holds the BRICS presidency in 2026 and prepares to host its summit when the grouping is being watched in the West as a potential challenge to the American-dominated global financial order. Individually, these developments may appear unrelated. Put together, they reveal a larger...

New Alliances, New Pressures, New Fault Lines

To its west, old relationships in the Gulf are acquiring new strategic and military dimensions. Across the Atlantic, Washington is increasingly using tariffs as an instrument of foreign policy. At the same time, India holds the BRICS presidency in 2026 and prepares to host its summit when the grouping is being watched in the West as a potential challenge to the American-dominated global financial order. Individually, these developments may appear unrelated. Put together, they reveal a larger geopolitical churn in which alliances, energy, trade, currencies and economic coercion are becoming interconnected. India finds itself almost at its centre. The emerging Saudi Arabia–Türkiye–Pakistan security equation deserves particular attention. Saudi Arabia brings enormous financial and energy influence; Türkiye possesses considerable military strength, NATO experience and an expanding defence industry; Pakistan brings a large military establishment and nuclear capability with the open support of Washington. Any arrangement containing a collective-defence commitment naturally acquires significance beyond ordinary diplomatic cooperation. Alongside it, another strategic convergence has gradually developed among India, Israel and the UAE. It would be incorrect to describe this as a formal military alliance. Yet geopolitics does not operate through defence treaties alone. India's extensive defence and technology relationship with Israel, its rapidly expanding economic and strategic partnership with the UAE, and the UAE-Israel relationship following the Abraham Accords have created considerable common ground. I2U2—bringing together India, Israel, the UAE and the United States—added another institutional dimension. Thus, without necessarily becoming opposing military camps, two interesting strategic formations are visible across West Asia: Saudi Arabia–Türkiye–Pakistan and the looser India–UAE–Israel convergence. Balancing Challenge India faces a similar balancing challenge. The Gulf is not a distant geopolitical theatre for New Delhi. Nearly nine million Indians live and work there. India's energy security, investments, trade and remittance flows are closely connected with the region. The proposed India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor also requires relative stability across this geography. Polarisation in West Asia can therefore rapidly become an Indian economic and strategic problem. There is another question Indian planners cannot ignore. If a future India-Pakistan confrontation escalates, how would any collective-defence commitment involving Pakistan be interpreted by Saudi Arabia and Türkiye? It would be alarmist to assume that either country would automatically enter a conflict against India. Saudi Arabia, in particular, has substantial economic and strategic interests in maintaining good relations with New Delhi. Nevertheless, defence planners are paid to examine possibilities before they become crises. While these equations develop in India's neighbourhood, economic pressure is emerging from Washington. The US Senate has voted 86–11 for legislation intended to increase pressure on Russia by targeting major purchasers of Russian energy. The measure could authorise tariffs reaching 100 per cent against goods from countries continuing large-scale purchases of Russian oil and gas, with India among those potentially exposed. China is powerful enough to shrug off similar challenges from the West." However this does not mean that America has already imposed a 100 per cent tariff on India. Further legislative steps remain necessary, and presidential waiver provisions are important. But the overwhelming Senate vote carries a political message that New Delhi cannot dismiss. Tariffs are no longer merely tools of trade protection; they have become instruments of geopolitical coercion. Washington's argument is understandable: revenues from Russian petroleum help sustain Moscow's economy during the Ukraine war, and reducing those revenues increases pressure on Russia. But in that case what about European countries who too were/are customers of Russian oil? India's question is equally legitimate: who should determine where India purchases the energy required by more than 1.4 billion people? If Russian crude remains commercially advantageous and helps contain domestic energy costs, New Delhi cannot reasonably be expected to make every energy decision according to another country's geopolitical priorities. Strategic partnership cannot become strategic obedience. This is where BRICS enters the larger picture. India holds the BRICS presidency in 2026 and will host its leaders at an unusually sensitive moment. BRICS is no longer merely the original grouping of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. Its expansion has considerably increased its demographic, energy and geopolitical weight. More importantly, discussions around BRICS increasingly touch a sensitive nerve in Washington: alternative payment mechanisms, local-currency trade, development finance and the possibility of gradually reducing dependence upon the dollar-dominated international financial system. The BRICS Summit this time is poised to take some decisive steps which may affect western interests especially US. (The writer is an advocate, legal, geopolitical and public policy analyst. Views personal.)

A Living Classroom for Environmental Learning

Once barren and debris-filled, the land was transformed into a thriving theme park for environmental education.

In my earlier article, I traced how our biomedical waste facility in Thane grew from modest beginnings into a robust service network spanning multiple districts. What started as a daunting challenge—convincing hospitals, acquiring vehicles, and gaining regulatory trust—eventually matured into a recognised and certified operation. Along the way, we expanded our outreach, launched awareness campaigns, and even organised an international conference on biomedical waste management. In doing so, it proved that persistence and partnerships can transform an idea into an institution.


While setting up the biomedical waste treatment facility, we also began transforming the debris-filled land around us into a green space. This area, later known as Ankur Theme Park, became a hands-on learning environment for schoolchildren, college students, and the general public.


As we installed the machines, we decided to green the barren, debris-strewn land given to us.


We cleared the land and began tilling it to make the soil suitable for vegetation. Around the same time, we had already started our biocompost unit, followed by vermicompost units. To condition the soil, we used our own naturally made biocompost.


Gradually, this effort grew into a theme park. We intended to invite school and college students to step outside the classroom and learn directly from nature.


We created demonstration units—a biogas plant, a plant nursery, a butterfly garden, plantations of economically important plants, medicinal plants, flowering and ornamental plants, and more. We also constructed large ponds for aquaculture. Soon, guided tours were being organised not just for students but also for common citizens. Our aim was to develop this space into a true Centre of Excellence for environmental education.


We were privileged to have many eminent individuals visit our centre.


As mentioned in one of my earlier articles, Shri Ram Naik, then Petroleum Minister of the Government of India, inaugurated the facility.


Later, our spirits soared when the late Shri Manohar Parrikar, then Chief Minister of Goa, visited. It was truly a memorable event for us.


Dr Dilip Biswas, Chairman of the Central Pollution Control Board, also came all the way from New Delhi after learning that an environmental NGO had set up a common biomedical waste treatment facility. After his visit, he remarked that this facility was a role model and the first of its kind in India.


We were equally honoured by the visit of Dr Anil Kakodkar, an eminent nuclear scientist and former Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission of India. He, too, was very impressed with the work being done at our facility.


The story is nearing its end. I will share the final chapter in the next article. Until then, wishing you a pleasant weekend!


(The writer is an environmentalist.)

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