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By:

Bhalchandra Chorghade

11 August 2025 at 7:24:18 pm

CIDCO struggles to find takers for its homes

Mumbai: The City and Industrial Development Corporation’s (CIDCO) latest housing scheme has exposed a recurring challenge for the planning authority: finding buyers for its large housing inventory despite its affordable-housing focus. The August 2026 scheme offered 4,793 homes in Taloja, Kharghar and Kalamboli and received 4,180 confirmed applications before bookings closed on September 3. While CIDCO described the response as strong, 613 homes—nearly 13 per cent of the inventory—had no...

CIDCO struggles to find takers for its homes

Mumbai: The City and Industrial Development Corporation’s (CIDCO) latest housing scheme has exposed a recurring challenge for the planning authority: finding buyers for its large housing inventory despite its affordable-housing focus. The August 2026 scheme offered 4,793 homes in Taloja, Kharghar and Kalamboli and received 4,180 confirmed applications before bookings closed on September 3. While CIDCO described the response as strong, 613 homes—nearly 13 per cent of the inventory—had no confirmed applicant. This follows earlier schemes with similar gaps. In January 2025, CIDCO’s ‘My Preferred Home’ scheme, offering around 26,000 homes across Navi Mumbai, attracted 1.36 lakh initial applications. However, only about 55,000 applicants paid the registration fee and around 22,000 deposited the required earnest money, leaving serious participation below the number of homes offered. A CAG-linked report on two CIDCO housing schemes in Kharghar found that, of 4,814 saleable tenements, allotment letters had been issued to 3,733 applicants and possession handed over to 3,317. Four years after the draw, 1,081 tenements remained unsold. CIDCO has also faced scrutiny over marketing expenditure. In 2023, reports questioned the appointment of private agencies to market and allot PMAY homes, stating that the agencies had received advances of more than Rs 100 crore before sales took place. CIDCO officials said external support was necessary given the scale of the programme. The scale of investment adds to the concern. CIDCO’s mass-housing programme envisaged 68,515 homes at an estimated cost of around Rs 15,300 crore. A 2024 report noted that thousands of completed homes were awaiting sale, locking up capital and increasing the authority’s financial burden. The latest homes are located in Taloja Sector 39, Kalamboli Bus Depot and Kharghar Bus Depot. Taloja accounts for 4,229 homes, followed by 257 in Kalamboli and 293 in Kharghar. Indicative prices range from around Rs 23.50 lakh in Taloja to Rs 37.70 lakh in Kalamboli and Rs 43.50 lakh in Kharghar. The figures point to a possible mismatch between what CIDCO considers affordable and what its target buyers can finance. Industry experts have noted that EWS homes priced at Rs 25 lakh or more may be difficult for households within the prescribed income ceiling, particularly after registration, stamp duty, floor-rise charges and other costs. Location may also influence demand. Taloja has seen rapid development and improved connectivity, including metro access, but buyers continue to weigh its distance from established employment centres and social infrastructure, as well as commuting costs. CIDCO maintains that its housing programme meets a genuine need in Navi Mumbai. Ashwin Mudgal, Vice Chairman and Managing Director, CIDCO, said, “The overwhelming response to the housing scheme reflects the aspirations of citizens to own a home in Navi Mumbai and their continued confidence in CIDCO’s planned development initiatives. CIDCO remains committed to providing affordable and quality housing opportunities in well-planned locations, enabling citizens to benefit from the region’s growing infrastructure and connectivity.” The authority has also highlighted the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana-Urban (PMAY-U) subsidy, under which eligible beneficiaries can receive Rs 2.5 lakh, subject to applicable guidelines and eligibility criteria. However, the repeated unsold inventory suggests that CIDCO’s challenge extends beyond construction. Pricing, apartment configurations, location, payment flexibility and connectivity may need to be reassessed before further public resources are committed.

A NEET Reckoning

Jul 24
3 min read

Every political crisis produces its defining image. The Emergency had press censorship. Anna Hazare’s movement had Ramlila Maidan. The farmers’ protest had Delhi’s borders. The Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) agitation may be remembered for turning a medical entrance examination into a major youth movement.


Whether the agitation has succeeded depends on how success is defined. If it means forcing the government to defend its credibility, compelling Parliament to confront examination integrity and making NEET a national political issue, it has already achieved much. If success is measured by political accountability - something many protesters equate with the resignation of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan - that verdict is still pending.


What is no longer in doubt is that NEET has ceased to be merely an examination. It has become a referendum on governance, institutional credibility and the aspirations of India's youth.


Conducted annually by the National Testing Agency, NEET determines admission to undergraduate medical courses for more than two million aspirants, making public trust as vital as the examination itself.


That trust was shaken by allegations of paper leaks, irregularities at examination centres, suspiciously high scores and the controversial award of grace marks. Investigations led to multiple arrests, while the Supreme Court acknowledged the gravity of the allegations but declined to order a nationwide re-examination, finding no evidence that the entire process had been compromised. Morally, many students believed the system had failed them.


The Cockroach Janta Party did not emerge from conventional politics. It grew out of social media, satire and public anger, with its very name symbolising corruption that survives in darkness unless institutions are thoroughly cleansed.


Organised Campaign

Initially dismissed as an internet curiosity, it evolved into an organised campaign through protests at Delhi’s Jantar Mantar, demonstrations across state capitals and a savvy digital strategy that resonated with disillusioned students.


As public anger mounted, opposition parties naturally joined the movement, recognising the NEET controversy as a wider indictment of governance and accountability.


The larger question is whether the government underestimated public sentiment before the issue acquired political momentum. Governments often lose political battles not because of inaction, but because of delayed communication.


Investigations began, arrests followed and agencies moved in. Yet for many students and parents, these measures appeared reactive rather than reassuring. In the digital age, suspicion often spreads faster than official explanations. Every unanswered question became a viral post; every arrest deepened the perception of a larger conspiracy. The debate soon moved beyond one examination to the broader issue of institutional trust.


Reports of police action, including lathi-charges and tear gas in some places, added another layer to the controversy. While governments must maintain public order, peaceful protest remains a constitutional right. History shows that images of force against students rarely strengthen those in power.


The lesson is that governments should defeat arguments with facts before they attempt to control crowds with force.


Reports of students facing severe psychological distress during the controversy highlight a deeper crisis: the mental health burden created by India's hyper-competitive education system. While personal tragedies have multiple causes and cannot be reduced to government action alone, any young life lost to examination pressure is a national failure that demands empathy, not political exploitation.


The BJP has survived major political storms, from demonetisation to farmers' protests. But the NEET controversy is different because it touches the aspirations of the middle class, one of its core support bases.


Unlike ideological battles, examination integrity cuts across caste, community and region. A leaked paper harms every deserving student. That is why the issue must be addressed as an institutional challenge, not merely a political one.


Demands for the Education Minister’s resignation may carry symbolic weight, but symbolism alone cannot repair a broken system.


Regardless of the future course of the CJP, the questions it has forced India to confront are unlikely to disappear.


For the Opposition, the challenge is to avoid converting student anxiety into permanent political capital. For the government, the challenge is to recognise that accountability is not a sign of weakness but the foundation of democratic legitimacy.


The real verdict on the NEET controversy will not be delivered at Jantar Mantar or even inside Parliament. It will be delivered the next time more than two million young Indians walk into an examination hall believing with complete confidence that their future depends only on their knowledge, not on the integrity of the system that examines them.

 

(The writer is a political observer. Views personal.)

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