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By:

Correspondent

23 August 2024 at 4:29:04 pm

Deadly Neglect

The deaths of three tribal girls following a snakebite at a residential school in Gadchiroli have cast a distinctly unfavourable light on the standards of care in Maharashtra’s tribal hostels. A total six girls were bitten while sleeping on the floor, raising questions about basic accommodation, preventive measures and the oversight of institutions entrusted with the care of some of Maharashtra’s most disadvantaged children. A properly maintained hostel and basic preventive measures can...

Deadly Neglect

The deaths of three tribal girls following a snakebite at a residential school in Gadchiroli have cast a distinctly unfavourable light on the standards of care in Maharashtra’s tribal hostels. A total six girls were bitten while sleeping on the floor, raising questions about basic accommodation, preventive measures and the oversight of institutions entrusted with the care of some of Maharashtra’s most disadvantaged children. A properly maintained hostel and basic preventive measures can certainly reduce the likelihood that a snakebite becomes a mass casualty event. Residential schools for tribal children exist precisely because many of their students come from remote and disadvantaged communities. The state assumes responsibility for their education, accommodation, food and safety. The inevitable official response of a detailed inquiry into the tragedy is hardly reassuring. The district administration has said it will establish whether adequate protective measures were in place and whether the school management complied with safety rules. The Maharashtra administration has conducted enough inquiries till now to know that the discovery of a lapse is not the same thing as fixing the system that produced it. The questions are elementary. Were sufficient beds available? If not, why not? Was the hostel building properly sealed? Were doors, windows and drains inspected? Was pest and snake control undertaken? Were mosquito nets and other basic protective equipment provided? Was there adequate lighting and night supervision? How frequently had the hostel been inspected? And were funds allocated for these facilities actually spent on them? The last question deserves particular attention. Tribal residential schools have for years been vulnerable to the familiar maladies of public administration, most notably gross corruption. Inadequate oversight, poor maintenance, opaque procurement and the fact that money and food intended for children disappears somewhere between the budget and the beneficiary has become all too common. More crucially, Gadchiroli is not politically ownerless. Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis is its guardian minister, making the quality of governance in the district an especially important test of the state government’s claims about tribal development. The answer cannot be another round of condolences followed by an inquiry whose findings gather dust. The government should use this tragedy to conduct a comprehensive and independent safety audit of every tribal residential hostel in Gadchiroli, with the findings and corrective measures made public. Beds, sanitation, building maintenance, pest control, emergency medical arrangements and night-time supervision should be treated as measurable standards, not discretionary amenities. Three girls have died in the most appalling manner. The least the state can do is ensure that their deaths expose a failure that is then corrected, rather than an outrage that is briefly mourned and administratively forgotten.

A Quiet Warning to China

The Quad is evolving from a strategic conversation into a practical partnership aimed at preserving a free, open and secure Indo-Pacific without becoming a formal military alliance.

The Indo-Pacific has become the centre of gravity of global geopolitics. Its vast maritime routes carry a significant share of world trade, its waters connect major economies, and its stability determines whether Asia can continue its remarkable economic rise. In this contested space, the Quad - the grouping of India, the United States, Japan and Australia - has emerged as one of the most consequential strategic partnerships of the 21st century.


Firm Signal

The recent Quad foreign ministers’ meeting in Manila carried an unmistakably firm message: attempts to alter the regional status quo through coercion will not be accepted. Although the gathering was not a formal summit, its timing and location gave it particular significance, especially amid growing tensions between China and the Philippines in the South China Sea.


The Quad’s central argument is straightforward. A peaceful and prosperous Indo-Pacific requires rules, restraint and respect for international law. Without stability in this region, the wider global economy faces uncertainty.


The grouping’s evolution is itself a reflection of changing Asian realities. The Quad began as a response to a humanitarian crisis rather than a geopolitical confrontation. After the devastating Indian Ocean tsunami of 2004, India, Japan, the United States and Australia coordinated relief operations, demonstrating the potential of collective action among democracies. Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe later became one of the earliest advocates of a broader strategic framework linking the maritime democracies of Asia.


The initial momentum, however, did not last. In 2008, Australia withdrew from the arrangement, partly due to concerns over its relationship with China. But the strategic environment changed dramatically over the next decade. Beijing’s increasingly assertive behaviour in the South China Sea, military expansion and growing influence across the Indo-Pacific convinced Australia to return to the grouping in 2017.


Since then, the Quad has matured considerably. What began as an informal dialogue has developed into a leaders-level partnership focused on maritime security, critical technologies, resilient supply chains, disaster response, climate cooperation and health security. It remains deliberately different from a traditional military alliance such as NATO. Its strength lies in flexibility and cooperation rather than treaty obligations.


Changing Role

The Manila meeting highlighted this changing role. The foreign ministers of India, the United States, Japan and Australia reiterated their commitment to a free, open and inclusive Indo-Pacific. The discussions came against the backdrop of repeated confrontations between Chinese vessels and the Philippine Navy, particularly around the Second Thomas Shoal, a disputed area in the South China Sea.


The Quad’s response was significant because it challenged a pattern that many smaller countries in the region fear: the use of economic and military pressure to impose unilateral changes. The message from Manila was that disagreements must be resolved peacefully and that no country should be allowed to change facts on the ground through intimidation.


Yet the Quad’s purpose is not simply to contain China. A mature Indo-Pacific strategy must recognise that China is both a competitor and a major economic partner for many countries. The challenge for the Quad is to balance deterrence with engagement, ensuring that strategic competition does not become permanent confrontation.


The partnership’s broader agenda reflects this reality. Maritime security is only one pillar. The four countries are also cooperating on emerging technologies, cybersecurity, infrastructure, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief. These areas address the everyday challenges faced by nations across the region, from natural disasters to supply chain disruptions.


The Quad’s greatest contribution may lie in providing an alternative model of regional cooperation based on transparency, sovereignty and shared interests. Many Indo-Pacific countries do not want to choose between major powers. They seek an environment where they can pursue economic growth without political coercion.


The Manila message, therefore, was both a warning and an invitation. It warned against aggression and unilateralism, while inviting regional countries to participate in a cooperative framework for stability and development.


The Indo-Pacific’s future will not be determined only by military strength. It will depend on whether nations can build institutions capable of managing rivalry and encouraging cooperation. The Quad, once a tentative experiment, is now an important part of that institutional architecture.


Its success will depend on whether it can remain united, practical and inclusive. A free and stable Indo-Pacific is not merely the strategic objective of four countries; it is a shared interest of the entire region.


(The writer is a foreign affairs expert. Views personal.)

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