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By:

Rajendra Joshi

3 December 2024 at 9:20:26 am

The Warning Beyond NEET

The Jantar Mantar protests exposed the widening gap between education, employment and growth. The month-long protest at Delhi's Jantar Mantar may have formally ended, but the political and economic questions it raised will linger. Triggered by the NEET paper leak, the movement became a major expression of youth discontent. What began as a demand for a fair examination system became a broader indictment of an economic model that promises opportunity but increasingly fails to deliver...

The Warning Beyond NEET

The Jantar Mantar protests exposed the widening gap between education, employment and growth. The month-long protest at Delhi's Jantar Mantar may have formally ended, but the political and economic questions it raised will linger. Triggered by the NEET paper leak, the movement became a major expression of youth discontent. What began as a demand for a fair examination system became a broader indictment of an economic model that promises opportunity but increasingly fails to deliver employment. The government initially treated the protests as a law-and-order issue. That changed when the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the ideological fountainhead of the ruling establishment, publicly criticised police action and expressed solidarity with the students. The subsequent resignation of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan, withdrawal of criminal cases and RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat's endorsement of the integrity and aspirations of India's Gen Z transformed the political narrative. The issue had moved beyond examination reform to whether India's development model is serving its young citizens. The NEET paper leak was merely the spark. The fuel had accumulated through rising educated unemployment, declining confidence in public institutions and growing frustration among millions of young Indians. Education is increasingly seen as an uncertain investment rather than a guaranteed pathway to opportunity. Every examination scandal reinforces the perception that merit alone is insufficient, while recruitment delays deepen the belief that the system is failing those who have done everything expected of them. India has celebrated its demographic dividend for nearly two decades, projecting its young workforce as its greatest competitive advantage. But demographic dividends are never automatic. They generate prosperity only when education is matched by employment, productivity and rising incomes. Otherwise, they become demographic liabilities that breed frustration rather than growth. The evidence suggests India is approaching that inflection point. GDP has expanded impressively over the past two decades, yet employment has failed to keep pace. Employment elasticity has weakened sharply. During the 1980s, every percentage point of GDP growth generated roughly half a percentage point increase in employment. Today the ratio is estimated at about 0.16, among the lowest for major emerging economies. Growth continues; jobs do not. This disconnect reflects India's growth strategy. Public policy has increasingly favoured capital-intensive industries through subsidies, tax incentives and investment support. Such sectors contribute to output and productivity but generate relatively fewer jobs. Agriculture continues to suffer from incomplete reforms and low productivity. Manufacturing has not expanded fast enough to absorb new workers, while artificial intelligence and automation are reducing opportunities in occupations once regarded as gateways to middle-class prosperity. India thus faces a paradox: it is producing more graduates while creating fewer opportunities to absorb them. The comparison with Asia is instructive. Vietnam and Bangladesh have pursued manufacturing-led growth that has generated substantially higher employment relative to economic expansion. Vietnam's employment-to-population ratio is estimated at nearly three-fourths, compared with about one-half in India. Vietnam has also moved into the upper-middle-income category, while India remains a lower-middle-income economy. These comparisons do not diminish India's achievements. They highlight the urgency of correcting structural weaknesses before they become politically destabilising. History demonstrates the risks of prolonged youth unemployment. The Arab Spring showed how educated but unemployed youth can transform political landscapes. More recently, political instability in Bangladesh and Nepal has reflected frustration among younger populations facing shrinking opportunities. India's democratic institutions are stronger, and its circumstances are different. Yet no democracy can indefinitely ignore the aspirations of its largest demographic group. The significance of Jantar Mantar lies here. India's Gen Z is organised, digitally connected and politically conscious. Social media transformed local grievances into a national movement within days, while traditional political parties largely responded after the sentiment had acquired independent momentum. The RSS intervention further complicated the government's challenge. Once protesting students found resonance within the ideological ecosystem closest to the ruling establishment, the issue ceased to be a partisan confrontation. It became an internal warning that India's youth expect credible institutions, transparent examinations and, above all, meaningful employment. The Centre's examination reforms are necessary but insufficient. Restoring the credibility of competitive examinations addresses only one symptom. The larger challenge is to redesign India's growth strategy around employment. Labour-intensive manufacturing, support for small and medium enterprises, investment in skills, higher-education reform and greater attention to employment outcomes must become central to economic planning. The Jantar Mantar agitation should not be remembered simply as the NEET protests. It marked a moment when India's youngest generation questioned the assumptions underlying the country's development model. Governments can manage protests and reform examinations. But unless economic growth translates into broad-based employment, similar movements will return. India's demographic dividend remains its greatest opportunity. It could equally become its greatest challenge. The warning has been delivered. The question is whether policymakers are prepared to listen.

ATS questions 112 across Maharashtra

Agency says Pakistani gangster lured youths through social media

AI generated image
AI generated image

Mumbai: In one of the biggest coordinated counter-terror operations in recent months, the Maharashtra Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS) carried out simultaneous raids and searches at dawn across the state in which around 112 persons were quizzed for their alleged social media links with a Pakistan-based alleged ISI handler-cum-mafiosi Shahzad Bhatti, officials said.


According to the ATS, an undisclosed number of personnel drawn from all its 14 units in the state launched synchronised swoops with Friday morning ‘knocks’ at the homes and other locations of those suspects identified in the ongoing probe.


As per a preliminary probe, Bhatti, along with his alleged associates, Abid Jaat alias Abid Chal, Ajmal Gujar, Mohammad Memon, Rana Hussain, Ashraf Basheer Alam and others, attempted to establish a network among youngsters through social media platforms, including Facebook, Instagram, Telegram and WhatsApp, they said.


The accused allegedly circulated provocative religious content to influence youths, particularly those who were unemployed, and lured them with promises of financial assistance in an attempt to involve them in activities such as information gathering, drugs and arms smuggling, an official said.


The immediate purpose behind the action was to verify the nature of the purported links of these persons with Bhatti ostensibly through various social media platforms and to collect more concrete evidence.


The ATS operation comes barely two days after the Delhi Police Special Cell claimed to have busted two alleged modules purportedly linked to Bhatti and arrested six suspected operatives from the country’s national capital and Punjab.


The Maharashtra ATS carried out the searches in Bandra, Kurla and Jogeshwari (Mumbai); Navi Mumbai; Bhayander and Mira Road (Thane); Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar; Sangli; Satara; and certain other locations around the state. It is considered as a run-up to the security preparations ahead of the upcoming 79th Independence Day celebrations on Aug. 15.


Online Interactions

ATS officials revealed that the investigation centres around establishing and verifying whether the online interactions of these 112 persons were casual or could point to a deeper network with wider ramifications. The ATS suspects that Bhatti and his cohorts may be allegedly exploiting social media platforms to lure and influence youngsters towards anti-national or subversive activities.


Remaining tight-lipped on the outcome, the officials pointed out that the probe is still continuing and further details are expected to emerge after the statements and evidence are scrutinized.


The Delhi Police had said that, acting at Bhatti’s behest, the six arrested suspects had allegedly conspired to perpetrate ‘petrol bomb’ strikes at key locations in the national capital.


Reported Recce

Among various sites, these persons reportedly carried out a recce of the New Police Lines in Civil Lines, the Anand Vihar Inter-State Bus Terminal, a major railway station and certain crowded market areas.


Videos of these and other locations were recovered from the mobile phones of the accused and were allegedly routed to Bhatti via some banned messaging app and 10 others with whom they are said to be linked.


With this, the Delhi Police claimed to have busted a Pakistan-backed terror and arms-smuggling syndicate linked to Bhatti through coordinated multi-state raids spanning Delhi, Uttar Pradesh and Punjab, and thwarted major planned attacks in these regions.


The social media chats recovered show Bhatti reportedly giving instructions to one of the suspects, Danish alias Chand Miyan, pertaining to the delivery and storage of some ‘material’, which the Delhi Police sleuths claim could refer to petrol bombs. Earlier, the investigators had found petrol bombs from the vicinity of Vijay Ghat – the resting place of India’s second PM, Lal Bahadur Shastri.


The Delhi accused were assigned different roles, including recces of key targets, ferrying and selling weapons, besides distributing consignments allegedly dropped into India by drones. The police are probing the wider cross-border conspiracy, the role of other Pakistan-based handlers and their associates and modules in India.

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