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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 4:59:11 pm

MLC polls expose cracks in Mahayuti, MVA

AI Generated Image Mumbai: The upcoming Maharashtra Legislative Council (MLC) elections for the graduate and teacher constituencies have laid bare the deep-seated fissures within both the ruling Mahayuti and the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) alliances. In a significant development that could have far-reaching political implications, multiple rebel candidates, including prominent figures with strong party affiliations, have defied alliance dictates to file their nominations as...

MLC polls expose cracks in Mahayuti, MVA

AI Generated Image Mumbai: The upcoming Maharashtra Legislative Council (MLC) elections for the graduate and teacher constituencies have laid bare the deep-seated fissures within both the ruling Mahayuti and the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) alliances. In a significant development that could have far-reaching political implications, multiple rebel candidates, including prominent figures with strong party affiliations, have defied alliance dictates to file their nominations as independents, setting the stage for high-stakes, multi-cornered contests. Mahayuti Turmoil The Mahayuti alliance, comprising the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena, and the Ajit Pawar-led Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), is grappling with rebellion on multiple fronts. In the critical Nagpur Graduates constituency, a traditional BJP stronghold, former BJP MLC and Nagpur Mayor Anil Sole has thrown a spanner in the works by filing his nomination as an independent candidate. This move directly challenges the official BJP candidate, Sudhakar Kohale. While the BJP leadership, including state president Ravindra Chavan, has attempted to downplay the situation, asserting that Sole has been "pacified," the former MLC's actions tell a different story. Sole's decision to contest independently is particularly significant given his long-standing association with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and his previous stint as a BJP MLC from the very same constituency. The situation is equally complicated in the Amravati Teachers constituency. The Shiv Sena (Shinde faction) has officially fielded Kiran Sarnaik. However, adding to the confusion, Sangita Shinde, sister of BJP MP Anil Bonde, has also entered the fray, potentially splitting the Mahayuti vote. The opposition MVA is also facing its share of internal discord here. While the Congress has nominated Aditi Pohre, daughter of former minister Harshvardhan Deshmukh, the Shiv Sena (UBT) has fielded Dattatray Lahane. The presence of numerous candidates representing various teachers' organizations further complicates the electoral arithmetic in this constituency. Opposition Rebellion The Chhatrapati Sambhaji Nagar Graduates constituency has witnessed another surprise development. While the NCP's sitting MLC, Satish Chavan, was widely considered the frontrunner, the BJP's M.K. Deshmukh has unexpectedly filed his nomination as a rebel candidate, catching the Mahayuti leadership completely off guard. The MVA, too, is facing rebellion in this constituency. Although the seat was officially allocated to the NCP (Sharad Pawar faction), Shiv Sena (UBT)'s Dilip Ghuge has also filed his nomination, causing significant heartburn within the opposition alliance. The Pune constituencies present a microcosm of the larger alliance troubles. In the Pune Graduates constituency, the BJP has fielded Dr. Smita Jadhav, the daughter-in-law of Pratap Singh Jadhav, owner of the 'Pudhari' news group and niece of Congress leader Satej Patil. Adding intrigue to this contest is the fact that she is contesting against Harshada Deshmukh-Jadhav, the official candidate of the NCP (Sharad Pawar faction). However, the real drama is unfolding in the Pune Teachers constituency. The BJP's official candidate, Koustubh Gawde, is facing a formidable challenge from Mangesh Chiwate, a close confidant of Chief Minister Eknath Shinde. Chiwate, a former journalist who handled the CM's medical aid cell while Shinde was the CM, has claimed that his party leadership has provided him with the crucial 'AB' form, signaling official backing. Commenting on the chaotic situation, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis acknowledged that seat-sharing talks remained inconclusive in some areas but expressed hope that the alliance partners would eventually reach an agreement. The true picture of the electoral battlefield will only emerge after Friday, October 9th, the last date for the withdrawal of nominations. Until then, both alliances will be working overtime to contain the rebellions and present a united front, but the deep cracks exposed by these developments suggest that the upcoming MLC elections will be fiercely contested and highly unpredictable.

Battleground of the Deep: Geopolitical Storm in South China Sea

Sep 8, 2024
3 min read

Updated: Oct 21, 2024

Battleground of the Deep: Geopolitical Storm in South China Sea

In his splendidly evocative 2014 book Asia’s Cauldron, master geo-strategist Robert D. Kaplan begins his geopolitical study of the South China Sea with a dazzling prologue on the ancient kingdom of Champa, its Hindu legacy.

In his trademark lapidary prose which has come to define his many works, Kaplan observes that Vietnam’s nearly one-thousand-mile-long coast lay astride two great civilizations: those of India and China with the South China Sea being “the maritime heart” of the Indo-Pacific region.

Long before the Cold War fault lines of North and South Vietnam, Kaplan notes there was a similar one in ancient times with the Sinicized Dai Viet, which established itself in Hanoi in North Vietnam clashing with Hindu Champa in the South. Dai Viet ultimately gobbled up Hindu Champa.

Fittingly, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s historic visit to Brunei this week resurrects the legacy of Champa and the Indian influence to counter a truculent China in the Indo-Pacific and the flashpoint that is the South China Sea.

His meeting coincides with heightened tensions between China and its neighbours in the Indo-Pacific region, particularly the Philippines and Malaysia.

Last week, a Chinese coast guard vessel’s ramming of the Philippine flagship BRP Teresa Magbanua brought the confrontational environment in the South China Sea region into sharp relief. The Philippines has intensified its maritime patrols, only to face increasing provocations from China. The aerial domain is also becoming contentious, with the Philippines’ increased air patrols prompting warnings from Chinese think tanks about potential clashes.

Meanwhile, China recently demanded that Malaysia halt its oil exploration activities near the Luconia Shoals citing encroachments on its areas marked by the so-called ‘Ten-Dash Line’. This, despite Malaysia’s efforts to placate China, including remarks by Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim emphasizing mutual benefit.

In this charged diplomatic atmosphere, India’s role comes as a deus ex machina in defusing tensions and rallying the Southeast Asian nations to counter China. During his meeting in Brunei, PM Modi reiterated India’s support for The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) centrality and peaceful resolution of disputes. The trip, marked by discussions on strengthening defence ties, exploring cooperation in liquefied natural gas (LNG) and renewable energies, and enhancing long-standing space partnerships, is indicative of India’s intent to deepen its engagement with Southeast Asia to counterbalance China’s domineering influence in the region.

The South China Sea, covering approximately 3.5 million square kilometres, is one of the world’s busiest maritime trade routes which accounts for a third of global shipping traffic.

Its resource-rich waters, with vast reserves of oil and natural gas buried beneath its seabed, make it a prime geopolitical prize – a veritable waterborne ‘Constantinople’ to which China, along with Malaysia, Brunei, Taiwan, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Vietnam are among the seven claimants to parts of the South China Sea.

For nearly two decades, China’s aggressive assertion over the South China Sea has been marked by a campaign of artificial island-building, military fortification, and assertive maritime patrols. Beijing justifies its expansive claims with the so-called ‘Nine-Dash Line’ - a vaguely defined demarcation that cuts into the exclusive economic zones of several Southeast Asian nations, including Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, and Brunei. These nations, along with the self-governing territory of Taiwan, find themselves in a precarious position as they confront a rising China intent on rewriting the rules of maritime conduct.

India, under its 2014 Act East Policy, has increased its engagement in the region, highlighting the importance of freedom of navigation and the rule of law, including adherence to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). By aligning with ASEAN nations like Brunei, India reinforces the call for a Code of Conduct in the South China Sea, advocating for a rules-based order and peaceful resolution of disputes — a veiled critique of China’s expansionism.

The policy’s ten-year milestone was marked by increased diplomatic engagements, including visits from the prime ministers of Vietnam and Malaysia to India, and President Droupadi Murmu’s trips to Fiji, New Zealand, and Timor-Leste.

In the midst of the China-U.S. rivalry, as Southeast Asian nations struggle to navigate tensions. But ASEAN’s long-sought Code of Conduct for the South China Sea continues to be stalled by diverging member priorities and chiefly by China’s reluctance to compromise.

Political scientist John Mearsheimer, in his classic work, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics claims that global hegemony is made difficult by the “stopping power of water.” As tensions in the South China Sea persist, it will need more than water to halt China’s hegemony. That counter could be in the form of India’s Act East strategy with its emphasis on a rules-based order.

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