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By:

Naresh Kamath

5 November 2024 at 5:30:38 am

Battle royale at Prabhadevi-Mahim belt

Amidst cut-throat competition, five seats up for grabs Mumbai: South Central Mumbai’s Prabhadevi-Mahim belt, an epicentre of Mumbai’s politics, promises a cut-throat competition as the two combines – Mahayuti and the Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) combine – sweat it out in the upcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) polls. It is the same ward where Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray used to address mammoth rallies at Shivaji Park and also the residence of MNS chief...

Battle royale at Prabhadevi-Mahim belt

Amidst cut-throat competition, five seats up for grabs Mumbai: South Central Mumbai’s Prabhadevi-Mahim belt, an epicentre of Mumbai’s politics, promises a cut-throat competition as the two combines – Mahayuti and the Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) combine – sweat it out in the upcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) polls. It is the same ward where Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray used to address mammoth rallies at Shivaji Park and also the residence of MNS chief Raj Thackeray. This belt has five wards and boasts of famous landmarks like the Siddhivinayak temple, Mahim Dargah and Mahim Church, and Chaityabhoomi, along with the Sena Bhavan, the headquarters of Shiv Sena (UBT) combine. This belt is dominated by the Maharashtrians, and hence the Shiv Sena (UBT)-MNS has been vocal about upholding the Marathi pride. This narrative is being challenged by Shiv Sena (Shinde) leader Sada Sarvankar, who is at the front. In fact, Sada has fielded both his children Samadhan and Priya, from two of these five wards. Take the case of Ward number 192, where the MNS has fielded Yeshwant Killedar, who was the first MNS candidate announced by its chief, Raj Thackeray. This announcement created a controversy as former Shiv Sena (UBT) corporator Priti Patankar overnight jumped to the Eknath Shinde camp and secured a ticket. This raised heckles among the existing Shiv Sena (Shinde) loyalists who raised objections. “We worked hard for the party for years, and here Priti has been thrust on us. My name was considered till the last moment, and overnight everything changed,” rued Kunal Wadekar, a Sada Sarvankar loyalist. ‘Dadar Neglected’ Killedar said that Dadar has been neglected for years. “The people in chawls don’t get proper water supply, and traffic is in doldrums,” said Killadar. Ward number 191 Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Vishaka Raut, former Mumbai mayor, is locked in a tough fight against Priya Sarvankar, who is fighting on the Shiv Sena (Shinde) ticket. Priya’s brother Samadhan is fighting for his second term from neighbouring ward 194 against Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Nishikant Shinde. Nishikant is the brother of legislator Sunil Shinde, a popular figure in this belt who vacated his Worli seat to accommodate Sena leader Aaditya Thackeray. Sada Sarvankar exudes confidence that both his children will be victorious. “Samadhan has served the people with all his dedication so much that he put his life at stake during the Covid-19 epidemic,” said Sada. “Priya has worked very hard for years and has secured this seat on merit. She will win, as people want a fresh face who will redress their grievances, as Vishaka Raut has been ineffective,” he added. He says the Mahayuti will Ward number 190 is the only ward where the BJP was the winner last term (2017) in this area, and the party has once nominated its candidate, Sheetal Gambhir Desai. Sheetal is being challenged by Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Vaishali Patankar. Sheetal vouches for the BJP, saying it’s time to replace the Shiv Sena (UBT) from the BMC. “They did nothing in the last 25 years, and people should now give a chance to the BJP,” said Sheetal. Incidentally, Sheetal is the daughter of Suresh Gambhir, a hardcore Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray loyalist, who has been a Mahim legislator for 4 terms and even won the 1985 BMC with the highest margin in Mumbai. In the neighbouring ward number 182, Shiv Sena (UBT) has given a ticket to former mayor and veteran corporator Milind Vaidya. He is being challenged by BJP candidate Rajan Parkar. Like the rest of Mumbai, this belt is also plagued by inadequate infrastructure to support the large-scale redevelopment projects. The traffic is in the doldrums, especially due to the closure of the Elphinstone bridge. There are thousands of old buildings and chawls which are in an extremely dilapidated state. The belt is significant, as top leaders like Manohar Joshi, Diwakar Raote and Suresh Gambhir have dominated local politics for years. In fact, Shiv Sena party’s first Chief Minister, Manohar Joshi, hailed from this belt.

Bihar and India: Confronting Prejudice, Pursuing Progress

Once dismissed as backward, Bihar is now rewriting its narrative by standing tall in economic growth and drawing strength from an ancient legacy of knowledge.

Bihar and India today stand not just at the center of national discourse but also the heart of international debates. Within the country’s politics, Bihar’s identity is repeatedly subjected to contempt and slander, while at a global level, deliberate attempts are being made to re-enslave India economically. This irony is striking, for India has emerged as one of the fastest-growing economies in the world, and Bihar, among the largest Indian states, has recorded the highest rate of economic growth.


Yet, the mindset of superpowers such as that of U.S. President Donald Trump evokes memories of the colonial era. Though not directly, he endeavours to reduce India to a state of economic servitude. The irony, however, is that America’s own economy teeters on the brink of recession, according to Moody’s report. On the other hand, India is rapidly moving towards becoming the world’s third largest economy. According to a poll conducted by Reuters between 18 and 26 August, 70 economists estimate that despite the tariff war, India’s GDP can remain at 6.7 percent, which is slightly higher than the recent estimate made by the RBI.


Similarly, people from Bihar are making their presence felt across diverse fields — from civil services, the armed forces, and politics to the corporate sector and grassroots labour. Yet, some political parties — notably the Congress — spare no opportunity to brand Bihar as ‘backward’ and deride its people with contempt.


This mentality is not new. Yet history bears witness to the fact that ancient India was once a leading trade and cultural power of the world. During the age of Julius Caesar, the Roman Senate itself observed that Indian merchants were exporting even common goods like cutlery to Rome, and in return, draining Roman gold. This was emblematic of India’s commercial supremacy.


Over two millennia ago, when India was fragmented among small states, Bihar — then known as Magadha — was the crucible of Mauryan emperor Ashoka, who laid the foundation of a united India. His empire stretched from the northeast to the borders of Iran, from Kandahar down to the southern expanses of Karnataka, Andhra and Tamil Nadu. Ashoka not only consolidated political dominion but also extended cultural and commercial ties with Sri Lanka and Southeast Asia, laying a strong foundation of dialogue across borders.


Yet, even today, leaders like Trump perceive India through the lens of colonial subjugation, once under the Mughals and later the British. This mindset finds reflection in his so-called ‘tariff wars.’ A report published in the New York Times, quoting officials, revealed that on June 17 this year, Trump and India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke on the phone for almost thirty-five minutes. During this conversation, Trump requested Modi to nominate him for the Nobel Peace Prize, citing Pakistan’s military leadership had already done so. Modi, however, declined firmly, stating that the India-Pakistan ceasefire had been an entirely sovereign Indian decision, uninfluenced by any third country. From this moment onward, tariff negotiations between India and America took a sharp turn, descending into an economic confrontation.


America’s policy mirrors that of the British East India Company, which penetrated India under the pretence of trade but laid the groundwork of colonial rule. Much like America’s behaviour towards India, Bihar continues to face dismissive treatment in national politics. The Congress and its allies have repeatedly hurled derogatory remarks against Biharis. The Kerala Congress once likened them to a ‘beedi.’


More recently, with an eye to shaping narratives in the upcoming Bihar Assembly election, Kerala Congress leaders were heard telling their workers that “Biharis had been shown their place.” The reason was for spewing such vitriol is because of the electoral calculations in Bihar and Maharashtra, where migrant voters from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh play a decisive role.


Derogatory remarks against Biharis are hardly new. Time and again, they have been branded as “a social and economic burden,” “dirty crowds” or asked to be “driven out.” Such rhetoric emerges not only in Maharashtra but also in Tamil Nadu on the eve of elections. In a viral video, DMK minister Dayanidhi Maran declared Biharis as mere “toilet cleaners.” Several DMK leaders went further, stigmatizing them as “panipuri sellers” and “illiterates.”


Former Punjab Chief Minister CharanjitChanni openly declared at an election rally that he would not allow Biharis entry into Punjab, a statement that drew applause from Congress leader Priyanka Gandhi Vadra herself as she stood by his side. These instances clearly show that Bihar’s dignity is often sacrificed at the altar of political opportunism.


And yet, Bihar has resurrected itself against the grain of adversity. While Bihar’s growth during the early decades of freedom was at par with leading states, it gradually came to be branded as a ‘sick state.’ Today, Bihar is the fastest developing state in eastern India. In 2014-15, Bihar’s growth rate stood at 8.15 percent, which soared to 14.47 percent in 2023-24. By comparison, neighbouring Uttar Pradesh stood at 12 percent, West Bengal at 11.04 percent and Jharkhand at 10.46 percent.


Yet, law and order issues remain a stumbling block. Electoral violence and political shielding of criminals exacerbate crime rates. The primary reason industries shy away from Bihar is this pervasive atmosphere of insecurity.


Of the ancient universities, Nalanda and Vikramshila stood proudly on Bihar’s soil. In Pataliputra, the capital of Magadha, Aryabhata, the great mathematician invented zero. This very zero forms the foundation of modern civilization, without which computers, smartphones and artificial intelligence would be utterly inconceivable.


As Bihar confronts the twin challenges of political prejudice and systemic insecurity, its rich legacy and recent economic strides offer a powerful testament to its resolve to redefine both its identity and its role in India’s future.

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