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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city...

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city will get a ‘Hindu Marathi’ person to head India’s richest civic body, while the Opposition Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena also harbour fond hopes of a miracle that could ensure their own person for the post. The Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) optimism stems from expectations of possible political permutations-combinations that could develop with a realignment of forces as the Supreme Court is hearing the cases involving the Shiv Sena-Nationalist Congress Party this week. Catapulted as the largest single party, the BJP hopes to install a first ever party-man as Mayor, but that may not create history. Way back in 1982-1983, a BJP leader Dr. Prabhakar Pai had served in the top post in Mumbai (then Bombay). Incidentally, Dr. Pai hailed from Udupi district of Karnataka, and his appointment came barely a couple of years after the BJP was formed (1980), capping a distinguished career as a city father, said experts. Originally a Congressman, Dr. Pai later shifted to the Bharatiya Janata Party, then back to Congress briefly, founded the Janata Seva Sangh before immersing himself in social activities. Second Administrator The 2026 Mayoral elections have evoked huge interest not only among Mumbaikars but across the country as it comes after nearly four years since the BMC was governed by an Administrator. This was only the second time in the BMC history that an Administrator was named after April 1984-May 1985. On both occasions, there were election-related issues, the first time the elections got delayed for certain reasons and the second time the polling was put off owing to Ward delimitations and OBC quotas as the matter was pending in the courts. From 1931 till 2022, Mumbai has been lorded over by 76 Mayors, men and women, hailing from various regions, backgrounds, castes and communities. They included Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Parsis, Sikhs, even a Jew, etc., truly reflecting the cosmopolitan personality of the coastal city and India’s financial powerhouse. In 1931-1932, the Mayor was a Parsi, J. B. Boman Behram, and others from his community followed like Khurshed Framji Nariman (after whom Nariman Point is named), E. A. Bandukwala, Minoo Masani, B. N. Karanjia and other bigwigs. There were Muslims like Hoosenally Rahimtoola, Sultan M. Chinoy, the legendary Yusuf Meherally, Dr. A. U. Memon and others. The Christian community got a fair share of Mayors with Joseph A. D’Souza – who was Member of Constituent Assembly representing Bombay Province for writing-approving the Constitution of India, M. U. Mascarenhas, P. A. Dias, Simon C. Fernandes, J. Leon D’Souza, et al. A Jew Elijah Moses (1937-1938) and a Sikh M. H. Bedi (1983-1984), served as Mayors, but post-1985, for the past 40 years, nobody from any minority community occupied the august post. During the silver jubilee year of the post, Sulochana M. Modi became the first woman Mayor of Mumbai (1956), and later with tweaks in the rules, many women ruled in this post – Nirmala Samant-Prabhavalkar (1994-1995), Vishakha Raut (997-1998), Dr. Shubha Raul (March 2007-Nov. 2009), Shraddha Jadhav (Dec. 2009-March 2012), Snehal Ambedkar (Sep. 2014-March 2017). The last incumbent (before the Administrator) was a government nurse, Kishori Pednekar (Nov. 2019-March 2022) - who earned the sobriquet of ‘Florence Nightingale’ of Mumbai - as she flitted around in her full white uniform at the height of the Covid-19 Pandemic, earning the admiration of the citizens. Mumbai Mayor – high-profile post The Mumbai Mayor’s post is considered a crucial step in the political ladder and many went on to become MLAs, MPs, state-central ministers, a Lok Sabha Speaker, Chief Ministers and union ministers. The formidable S. K. Patil was Mayor (1949-1952) and later served in the union cabinets of PMs Jawaharlal Nehru, Lah Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi; Dahyabhai V. Patel (1954-1955) was the son of India’s first Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel; Manohar Joshi (1976-1977) became the CM of Maharashtra, later union minister and Speaker of Lok Sabha; Chhagan Bhujbal (1985-1986 – 1990-1991) became a Deputy CM.

Bihar and India: Confronting Prejudice, Pursuing Progress

Once dismissed as backward, Bihar is now rewriting its narrative by standing tall in economic growth and drawing strength from an ancient legacy of knowledge.

Bihar and India today stand not just at the center of national discourse but also the heart of international debates. Within the country’s politics, Bihar’s identity is repeatedly subjected to contempt and slander, while at a global level, deliberate attempts are being made to re-enslave India economically. This irony is striking, for India has emerged as one of the fastest-growing economies in the world, and Bihar, among the largest Indian states, has recorded the highest rate of economic growth.


Yet, the mindset of superpowers such as that of U.S. President Donald Trump evokes memories of the colonial era. Though not directly, he endeavours to reduce India to a state of economic servitude. The irony, however, is that America’s own economy teeters on the brink of recession, according to Moody’s report. On the other hand, India is rapidly moving towards becoming the world’s third largest economy. According to a poll conducted by Reuters between 18 and 26 August, 70 economists estimate that despite the tariff war, India’s GDP can remain at 6.7 percent, which is slightly higher than the recent estimate made by the RBI.


Similarly, people from Bihar are making their presence felt across diverse fields — from civil services, the armed forces, and politics to the corporate sector and grassroots labour. Yet, some political parties — notably the Congress — spare no opportunity to brand Bihar as ‘backward’ and deride its people with contempt.


This mentality is not new. Yet history bears witness to the fact that ancient India was once a leading trade and cultural power of the world. During the age of Julius Caesar, the Roman Senate itself observed that Indian merchants were exporting even common goods like cutlery to Rome, and in return, draining Roman gold. This was emblematic of India’s commercial supremacy.


Over two millennia ago, when India was fragmented among small states, Bihar — then known as Magadha — was the crucible of Mauryan emperor Ashoka, who laid the foundation of a united India. His empire stretched from the northeast to the borders of Iran, from Kandahar down to the southern expanses of Karnataka, Andhra and Tamil Nadu. Ashoka not only consolidated political dominion but also extended cultural and commercial ties with Sri Lanka and Southeast Asia, laying a strong foundation of dialogue across borders.


Yet, even today, leaders like Trump perceive India through the lens of colonial subjugation, once under the Mughals and later the British. This mindset finds reflection in his so-called ‘tariff wars.’ A report published in the New York Times, quoting officials, revealed that on June 17 this year, Trump and India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke on the phone for almost thirty-five minutes. During this conversation, Trump requested Modi to nominate him for the Nobel Peace Prize, citing Pakistan’s military leadership had already done so. Modi, however, declined firmly, stating that the India-Pakistan ceasefire had been an entirely sovereign Indian decision, uninfluenced by any third country. From this moment onward, tariff negotiations between India and America took a sharp turn, descending into an economic confrontation.


America’s policy mirrors that of the British East India Company, which penetrated India under the pretence of trade but laid the groundwork of colonial rule. Much like America’s behaviour towards India, Bihar continues to face dismissive treatment in national politics. The Congress and its allies have repeatedly hurled derogatory remarks against Biharis. The Kerala Congress once likened them to a ‘beedi.’


More recently, with an eye to shaping narratives in the upcoming Bihar Assembly election, Kerala Congress leaders were heard telling their workers that “Biharis had been shown their place.” The reason was for spewing such vitriol is because of the electoral calculations in Bihar and Maharashtra, where migrant voters from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh play a decisive role.


Derogatory remarks against Biharis are hardly new. Time and again, they have been branded as “a social and economic burden,” “dirty crowds” or asked to be “driven out.” Such rhetoric emerges not only in Maharashtra but also in Tamil Nadu on the eve of elections. In a viral video, DMK minister Dayanidhi Maran declared Biharis as mere “toilet cleaners.” Several DMK leaders went further, stigmatizing them as “panipuri sellers” and “illiterates.”


Former Punjab Chief Minister CharanjitChanni openly declared at an election rally that he would not allow Biharis entry into Punjab, a statement that drew applause from Congress leader Priyanka Gandhi Vadra herself as she stood by his side. These instances clearly show that Bihar’s dignity is often sacrificed at the altar of political opportunism.


And yet, Bihar has resurrected itself against the grain of adversity. While Bihar’s growth during the early decades of freedom was at par with leading states, it gradually came to be branded as a ‘sick state.’ Today, Bihar is the fastest developing state in eastern India. In 2014-15, Bihar’s growth rate stood at 8.15 percent, which soared to 14.47 percent in 2023-24. By comparison, neighbouring Uttar Pradesh stood at 12 percent, West Bengal at 11.04 percent and Jharkhand at 10.46 percent.


Yet, law and order issues remain a stumbling block. Electoral violence and political shielding of criminals exacerbate crime rates. The primary reason industries shy away from Bihar is this pervasive atmosphere of insecurity.


Of the ancient universities, Nalanda and Vikramshila stood proudly on Bihar’s soil. In Pataliputra, the capital of Magadha, Aryabhata, the great mathematician invented zero. This very zero forms the foundation of modern civilization, without which computers, smartphones and artificial intelligence would be utterly inconceivable.


As Bihar confronts the twin challenges of political prejudice and systemic insecurity, its rich legacy and recent economic strides offer a powerful testament to its resolve to redefine both its identity and its role in India’s future.

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