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By:

Rajendra Joshi

3 December 2024 at 9:20:26 am

Centre pushes for early sugarcane crushing

Mills seek special subsidy Kolhapur: Despite an estimated 30-40 lakh tonnes of sugar being available in excess of domestic demand, the Centre is stepping up efforts to keep sugar prices under control. The Union Food Ministry has urged Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh and Karnataka to advance the 2026-27 sugarcane crushing season so that fresh sugar reaches the market before the existing stock is exhausted. Sugar mills, however, say an early start will come at a cost. They are seeking special...

Centre pushes for early sugarcane crushing

Mills seek special subsidy Kolhapur: Despite an estimated 30-40 lakh tonnes of sugar being available in excess of domestic demand, the Centre is stepping up efforts to keep sugar prices under control. The Union Food Ministry has urged Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh and Karnataka to advance the 2026-27 sugarcane crushing season so that fresh sugar reaches the market before the existing stock is exhausted. Sugar mills, however, say an early start will come at a cost. They are seeking special financial assistance to compensate for the likely fall in sugar recovery and the reduction in cane weight that could result from crushing in October. India produced around 280 lakh tonnes of sugar last season. The season began with stocks of nearly 50 lakh tonnes, while annual domestic consumption is estimated at around 280 lakh tonnes. With about 35 lakh tonnes expected to remain in stock by September 30, the Centre wants the new season’s production to start flowing into the market without waiting for the traditional crushing cycle. Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh and Karnataka account for nearly 80 per cent of India’s sugar production. The Union Food Ministry has therefore written to the chief ministers of the three states, asking them to bring forward the start of the 2026-27 crushing season. The push comes against the backdrop of a sharp movement in sugar prices. Ex-mill prices had earlier climbed to around Rs 68 per kg, pushing retail prices close to Rs 80 per kg. Following a series of measures by the Centre, ex-mill prices have since declined to around Rs 41 per kg. Yet, the government is looking at further measures to bring prices down and ensure that stocks move into the market. One such measure has been the approval of imports of one million tonnes of raw sugar. Since initial applications covered only around eight lakh tonnes, the Centre has invited applications for the remaining quota. It has also reduced the permissible stockholding limit for traders from 400 tonnes to 200 tonnes. The next major point of discussion will be the meeting convened by Union Food and Public Distribution Secretary Sanjeev Chopra with the sugar industry in New Delhi on September 8. The secretaries of Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh and Karnataka have also been invited. West Indian Sugar Mills Association (WISMA) president B. B. Thombre said the Centre was pushing for crushing to begin around the middle of October. Traditionally, most mills in Maharashtra begin operations around November 15, largely because sugarcane harvesting labour becomes available only after Diwali. The industry is, however, willing to explore an early start between October 20 and 25. But early crushing could have significant implications. According to Thombre, sugar recovery could fall by around 1.5 percentage points, while the weight of sugarcane supplied by farmers could decline by 10-15 per cent. The industry will therefore seek special assistance for cane crushed between October 15 and November 15. At the September 8 meeting, it plans to demand a subsidy of Rs 500 per tonne for sugar mills and Rs 300 per tonne directly for sugarcane farmers.

Bihar and India: Confronting Prejudice, Pursuing Progress

Once dismissed as backward, Bihar is now rewriting its narrative by standing tall in economic growth and drawing strength from an ancient legacy of knowledge.

Bihar and India today stand not just at the center of national discourse but also the heart of international debates. Within the country’s politics, Bihar’s identity is repeatedly subjected to contempt and slander, while at a global level, deliberate attempts are being made to re-enslave India economically. This irony is striking, for India has emerged as one of the fastest-growing economies in the world, and Bihar, among the largest Indian states, has recorded the highest rate of economic growth.


Yet, the mindset of superpowers such as that of U.S. President Donald Trump evokes memories of the colonial era. Though not directly, he endeavours to reduce India to a state of economic servitude. The irony, however, is that America’s own economy teeters on the brink of recession, according to Moody’s report. On the other hand, India is rapidly moving towards becoming the world’s third largest economy. According to a poll conducted by Reuters between 18 and 26 August, 70 economists estimate that despite the tariff war, India’s GDP can remain at 6.7 percent, which is slightly higher than the recent estimate made by the RBI.


Similarly, people from Bihar are making their presence felt across diverse fields — from civil services, the armed forces, and politics to the corporate sector and grassroots labour. Yet, some political parties — notably the Congress — spare no opportunity to brand Bihar as ‘backward’ and deride its people with contempt.


This mentality is not new. Yet history bears witness to the fact that ancient India was once a leading trade and cultural power of the world. During the age of Julius Caesar, the Roman Senate itself observed that Indian merchants were exporting even common goods like cutlery to Rome, and in return, draining Roman gold. This was emblematic of India’s commercial supremacy.


Over two millennia ago, when India was fragmented among small states, Bihar — then known as Magadha — was the crucible of Mauryan emperor Ashoka, who laid the foundation of a united India. His empire stretched from the northeast to the borders of Iran, from Kandahar down to the southern expanses of Karnataka, Andhra and Tamil Nadu. Ashoka not only consolidated political dominion but also extended cultural and commercial ties with Sri Lanka and Southeast Asia, laying a strong foundation of dialogue across borders.


Yet, even today, leaders like Trump perceive India through the lens of colonial subjugation, once under the Mughals and later the British. This mindset finds reflection in his so-called ‘tariff wars.’ A report published in the New York Times, quoting officials, revealed that on June 17 this year, Trump and India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke on the phone for almost thirty-five minutes. During this conversation, Trump requested Modi to nominate him for the Nobel Peace Prize, citing Pakistan’s military leadership had already done so. Modi, however, declined firmly, stating that the India-Pakistan ceasefire had been an entirely sovereign Indian decision, uninfluenced by any third country. From this moment onward, tariff negotiations between India and America took a sharp turn, descending into an economic confrontation.


America’s policy mirrors that of the British East India Company, which penetrated India under the pretence of trade but laid the groundwork of colonial rule. Much like America’s behaviour towards India, Bihar continues to face dismissive treatment in national politics. The Congress and its allies have repeatedly hurled derogatory remarks against Biharis. The Kerala Congress once likened them to a ‘beedi.’


More recently, with an eye to shaping narratives in the upcoming Bihar Assembly election, Kerala Congress leaders were heard telling their workers that “Biharis had been shown their place.” The reason was for spewing such vitriol is because of the electoral calculations in Bihar and Maharashtra, where migrant voters from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh play a decisive role.


Derogatory remarks against Biharis are hardly new. Time and again, they have been branded as “a social and economic burden,” “dirty crowds” or asked to be “driven out.” Such rhetoric emerges not only in Maharashtra but also in Tamil Nadu on the eve of elections. In a viral video, DMK minister Dayanidhi Maran declared Biharis as mere “toilet cleaners.” Several DMK leaders went further, stigmatizing them as “panipuri sellers” and “illiterates.”


Former Punjab Chief Minister CharanjitChanni openly declared at an election rally that he would not allow Biharis entry into Punjab, a statement that drew applause from Congress leader Priyanka Gandhi Vadra herself as she stood by his side. These instances clearly show that Bihar’s dignity is often sacrificed at the altar of political opportunism.


And yet, Bihar has resurrected itself against the grain of adversity. While Bihar’s growth during the early decades of freedom was at par with leading states, it gradually came to be branded as a ‘sick state.’ Today, Bihar is the fastest developing state in eastern India. In 2014-15, Bihar’s growth rate stood at 8.15 percent, which soared to 14.47 percent in 2023-24. By comparison, neighbouring Uttar Pradesh stood at 12 percent, West Bengal at 11.04 percent and Jharkhand at 10.46 percent.


Yet, law and order issues remain a stumbling block. Electoral violence and political shielding of criminals exacerbate crime rates. The primary reason industries shy away from Bihar is this pervasive atmosphere of insecurity.


Of the ancient universities, Nalanda and Vikramshila stood proudly on Bihar’s soil. In Pataliputra, the capital of Magadha, Aryabhata, the great mathematician invented zero. This very zero forms the foundation of modern civilization, without which computers, smartphones and artificial intelligence would be utterly inconceivable.


As Bihar confronts the twin challenges of political prejudice and systemic insecurity, its rich legacy and recent economic strides offer a powerful testament to its resolve to redefine both its identity and its role in India’s future.

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