Why BJP cannot afford to pull Fadnavis out of Maharashtra

Mumbai: A recent political skirmish between Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis’ wife, Amruta and Shiv Sena leader Sanjay Raut has inadvertently breathed new life into one of Maharashtra’s longest-running political debates: Is the Chief Minister quietly preparing to shift his base to New Delhi? Following a provocation by Raut regarding a potential move to the national capital, Amruta delivered a sharp retort, asserting that unlike the Sena leader, both she and her husband remain strictly...

min read

Why BJP cannot afford to pull Fadnavis out of Maharashtra

Mumbai: A recent political skirmish between Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis’ wife, Amruta and Shiv Sena leader Sanjay Raut has inadvertently breathed new life into one of Maharashtra’s longest-running political debates: Is the Chief Minister quietly preparing to shift his base to New Delhi? Following a provocation by Raut regarding a potential move to the national capital, Amruta delivered a sharp retort, asserting that unlike the Sena leader, both she and her husband remain strictly oriented toward grassroots public service. While this high-profile exchange captured the daily headlines, a deeper investigative analysis of the state’s political chessboard reveals a starker structural reality – the BJP simply cannot afford to move Fadnavis anytime soon. The speculation surrounding a “Delhi destiny” for Fadnavis is not new. Political observers have frequently positioned him in the national leadership matrix, with widespread speculation even hinting at him as a potential successor to the Prime Minister. Yet, Fadnavis has consistently played the consummate organization man. He has repeatedly stated his strong preference to remain anchored in Maharashtra, while diplomatically adding that, as a disciplined cadre of the BJP, he is bound to serve the people in whatever capacity the party high command deems appropriate. Leadership Vacuum However, behind closed doors, the real reasons anchoring Fadnavis to Maharashtra lie in the severe leadership vacuum and complex challenges currently facing the state BJP unit. A forensic look at the party’s regional roster exposes a glaring lack of alternatives. Over the past few years, the state party dynamic has been fundamentally restructured; senior stalwarts like Vinod Tawde have already been absorbed into the central leadership in New Delhi, while several other regional heavyweights have been strategically cut down to size. Consequently, the Maharashtra BJP is currently devoid of another experienced, universally acceptable hand with the political bandwidth to govern a crucial and financially vital state. Fadnavis possesses a rare ideological and administrative hybrid profile that perfectly aligns with Maharashtra’s unique sociopolitical climate. He remains deeply rooted in the core Hindutva ideology of his parent organization, yet he seamlessly projects the modern, technocratic, and pro-corporate image that is absolutely essential to helm a highly progressive and industrialized state. This dual persona is the exact political capital required to hold a fragile government together. Fadnavis has proven to be the only leader capable of walking the tightrope of regional coalition politics, successfully acting as the connective tissue between two major, often feuding allies who rarely see eye-to-eye on administrative or ideological issues. Caste Politics Beyond coalition mechanics, Maharashtra is currently navigating a highly volatile undercurrent of simmering caste politics. Fadnavis’ political acumen has been critical in absorbing these sociopolitical stretches and strains, ensuring that these regional frictions do not derail the state’s economic momentum. Under his watch, the administration has fiercely guarded Maharashtra’s position as the numero uno destination for development and investment in the country. Finally, the state is gearing up for a season of massive logistical, cultural, and administrative challenges, most notably the upcoming Kumbh Mela in Nashik. Executing mega-events of this scale requires seasoned, hands-on leadership and deep institutional memory.

Build ‘model schools’ from PM CARES fund: CJP

Quaid Najmi
3 hours ago
3 min read

Mumbai: In an unexpected surgical strike, the Cockroach Janta Party has questioned why a massive corpus of thousands of crores of rupees, lying in the Prime Minister CARES Fund, is kept idle when there are dire needs for funds in various sectors, particularly government schools – kicking off a new political storm – on Wednesday.

CJP Founder Abhijeet Dipke today directly asked Prime Minister Narendra Modi on what he termed as “so much of public money lying untouched and unutilised” in the PMCF while state-run schools across the country continue to struggle for even basic infrastructure.

Dipke said an amount of nearly Rs 8,500-cr shown in the PMCF as of March 2025 and demanded why this money could not be deployed for public education and other critical needs. He pointed at how schoolchildren in several parts of India continue to face shortages of drinking water, proper roads and even benches to sit on in classrooms, during his recent visits to some such government schools.

“On one hand, Rs. 8,500-cr is lying unutilised, while on the other, children across the country have to demand proper roads, drinking water, benches and other basic infrastructure in schools. Instead this money could be diverted to setting up ‘Model Schools’ which could benefit the students and the society.

Dipke contended that if a well-equipped ‘model school’ costs around Rs. 8-cr, the government could build more than 1000 such modern educational institutions with the idling PMCF corpus alone.

Endorsing the views, the CJP posted: “So much of the public’s money is lying untouched and unaccounted for in a ‘Private Fund’ called the PM CARES Fund. Public schools cite a lack of funds for their poor condition, yet more than Rs. 8,450- cr. remains unused. If it is the people’s money, why can’t it be used to build and repair schools? Lack of funds was never the problem. Lack of intent is.”

The CJP chief emphasised that since the money has come from the people it should ultimately serve the public causes, particularly for the education of the underprivileged children in far flung areas.

Dipke’s statement came a day after the PMCF released its audited balance sheets which provided a new round of ammunition even to the Opposition, reviving questions that have shrouded the fund since its creation in March 2020 at the height of the Covid-19 pandemic and nationwide lockdowns.

Interestingly, the PMCF balance sheet came days after a CJP leader had claimed in a press conference in New Delhi that the Jantar Mantar 28-day long agitation was allegedly financed from this fund.

The PMCF gets no direct budgetary allocation and is funded through voluntary donations, and it is exempted under the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FRCA) for which it maintains a separate account to receive overseas donations.

Opposition piles on

The Congress sought a comprehensive inquiry into the PMCF and alleged a possible nexus between corporate donations to it and awarding of plum government contracts awarded to some of the donor companies. AICC Scheduled Castes Department President and Uttar Pradesh In-Charge Rajendra Pal Gautam also questioned the “very need” for setting up the PMCF when the PM’s National Relief Fund was already operational since Jan. 1948.

All India Trinamool Congress (AITC) MP Mahua Moitra picked purported flaws in the PMCF balance sheet released: “PM Doesn’t Care. R. 8,452-cr. lying unspent. Balance sheet is UNSIGNED. Some KKC Associates auditors with Gujarati partners Shah & Parekh have not even bothered with signatures, tracking or notes. Outside CAG, RTI or Parliaments scrutiny.”

'Still in the 60s': Dipke claims broken toilet doors, missing taps at Hingoli school

Hingoli: Cockroach Janta Party founder Abhijeet Dipke said a government school in Maharashtra's Hingoli district appeared to be stuck in the 1960s after he found broken toilet and classroom doors and missing taps in the washrooms.

Dipke, whose group launched the 'School Thik Karo' (improve government schools) campaign last week, visited the school at Kadoli village in his native district on Tuesday.

He went to the premises around 7.30 pm, after school hours, and checked the campus. A video of his visit to the school and subsequent interaction with the villagers has surfaced on social media.

"It felt as if I was visiting a school in the 1960s. An old tin-roofed toilet, broken doors and no taps in the washrooms. What to do with these washrooms? Those concerned did not do their duty (in maintaining the school premises)," he said.