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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Congress’ solo path for ‘ideological survival’

Mumbai: The Congress party’s decision to contest the forthcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections independently is being viewed as an attempt to reclaim its ideological space among the public and restore credibility within its cadre, senior leaders indicated. The announcement - made by AICC General Secretary Ramesh Chennithala alongside state president Harshwardhan Sapkal and Mumbai Congress chief Varsha Gaikwad - did not trigger a backlash from the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi...

Congress’ solo path for ‘ideological survival’

Mumbai: The Congress party’s decision to contest the forthcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections independently is being viewed as an attempt to reclaim its ideological space among the public and restore credibility within its cadre, senior leaders indicated. The announcement - made by AICC General Secretary Ramesh Chennithala alongside state president Harshwardhan Sapkal and Mumbai Congress chief Varsha Gaikwad - did not trigger a backlash from the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) partners, the Nationalist Congress Party (SP) and Shiv Sena (UBT). According to Congress insiders, the move is the outcome of more than a year of intense internal consultations following the party’ dismal performance in the 2024 Assembly elections, belying huge expectations. A broad consensus reportedly emerged that the party should chart a “lone-wolf” course to safeguard the core ideals of Congress, turning140-years-old, next month. State and Mumbai-level Congress leaders, speaking off the record, said that although the party gained momentum in the 2019 Assembly and 2024 Lok Sabha elections, it was frequently constrained by alliance compulsions. Several MVA partners, they claimed, remained unyielding on larger ideological and political issues. “The Congress had to compromise repeatedly and soften its position, but endured it as part of ‘alliance dharma’. Others did not reciprocate in the same spirit. They made unilateral announcements and declared candidates or policies without consensus,” a senior state leader remarked. Avoid liabilities He added that some alliance-backed candidates later proved to be liabilities. Many either lost narrowly or, even after winning with the support of Congress workers, defected to Mahayuti constituents - the Bharatiya Janata Party, Shiv Sena, or the Nationalist Congress Party. “More than five dozen such desertions have taken place so far, which is unethical, backstabbing the voters and a waste of all our efforts,” he rued. A Mumbai office-bearer elaborated that in certain constituencies, Congress workers effectively propelled weak allied candidates through the campaign. “Our assessment is that post-split, some partners have alienated their grassroots base, especially in the mofussil regions. They increasingly rely on Congress workers. This is causing disillusionment among our cadre, who see deserving leaders being sidelined and organisational growth stagnating,” he said. Chennithala’s declaration on Saturday was unambiguous: “We will contest all 227 seats independently in the BMC polls. This is the demand of our leaders and workers - to go alone in the civic elections.” Gaikwad added that the Congress is a “cultured and respectable party” that cannot ally with just anyone—a subtle reference to the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS), which had earlier targeted North Indians and other communities and is now bidding for an electoral arrangement with the SS(UBT). Both state and city leaders reiterated that barring the BMC elections - where the Congress will take the ‘ekla chalo’ route - the MVA alliance remains intact. This is despite the sharp criticism recently levelled at the Congress by senior SS(UBT) leader Ambadas Danve following the Bihar results. “We are confident that secular-minded voters will support the Congress' fight against the BJP-RSS in local body elections. We welcome backing from like-minded parties and hope to finalize understandings with some soon,” a state functionary hinted. Meanwhile, Chennithala’s firm stance has triggered speculation in political circles about whether the Congress’ informal ‘black-sheep' policy vis-a-vis certain parties will extend beyond the BMC polls.

Capital in Limbo: Why America’s Government Shuts Down So Often

America’s peculiar mix of politics and procedure can bring its own operations to a halt on occasion.

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Every few years, news outlets around the world announce that the United States government is “shutting down.” For readers in India, or indeed anywhere outside the United States, the phrase conjures images of a country grinding to a halt. Think of planes being grounded, banks closed and cities paralyzed. In reality, the ‘shutdown’ is far less dramatic than it sounds. It is the result of a peculiarly American political process that intertwines the nation’s budgetary rules with the ideological brinkmanship of its lawmakers.


To understand why Washington occasionally comes to a standstill, it is worth revisiting the structure of the American government. The United States is a federal republic where power is shared between the national government and fifty states. At the federal level, authority is divided among three branches. The executive, led by the President, enforces laws and the legislative, embodied in Congress, drafts laws and authorizes government spending. The judiciary, culminating in the Supreme Court, interprets them. Unlike parliamentary democracies like India or the United Kingdom, this separation of powers is designed to prevent any one branch from exercising too much authority.


It is in the interaction between the executive and Congress that the seeds of shutdowns are sown. Unlike the Indian Union Budget, which is introduced by the finance minister and voted on in a single legislative chamber, the U.S. budget must pass through two houses: the House of Representatives, dominated by 435 members, and the Senate, with 100 senators. Only after both houses approve the budget does the president sign it into law. If disagreements arise between the two houses - or between Congress and the President - spending authority stalls.


Antideficiency Act

The U.S. fiscal year begins on October 1. By that date, Congress is expected to have approved a series of appropriations bills funding federal departments and agencies. Failure to do so triggers a government shutdown. Legally, this is not a question of insolvency. America has money. Its coffers are flush with tax revenues and borrowing capacity. The problem lies in the Antideficiency Act, a statute that forbids federal agencies from spending without congressional authorization. When lawmakers fail to provide that authorization, large swathes of government must halt operations.


However, not everything stops. The government distinguishes between ‘essential’ and ‘non-essential’ activities. Military personnel, border patrol agents, air traffic controllers and Social Security administrators continue their work, often without immediate pay. By contrast, national parks close, passport and visa services slow to a crawl, federal loan programs pause, and many civil servants are furloughed. While the result is a formidable disruption, it does not amount to a total collapse. During the 2018–2019 shutdown - the longest in U.S. history thus far - some 800,000 federal workers went without pay for more than a month, yet planes still took off, Medicare payments still arrived, and the military remained fully operational.


Since the modern rules came into effect in 1976, the U.S. has experienced 22 shutdowns. Most were brief, lasting only a day or two, often timed around Christmas or fiscal deadlines, serving as leverage for political bargaining. Yet the frequency is exceptional by global standards. In India, for example, if Parliament fails to pass the budget, interim arrangements allow the government to continue spending. Most countries, including the United Kingdom, Germany, Japan, and Australia, have similar contingency mechanisms that prevent shutdowns. The American model is unusual in tying government operations so tightly to a single legislative act.


Political theatre

Why, then, do shutdowns occur so often? At their heart, they are political theatre. Because both parties must agree to pass a budget, disagreements become leverage. One faction might demand cuts to welfare programs; another may insist on increased funding for healthcare or defence. Occasionally, budget bills become bargaining chips for unrelated policy disputes like immigration, abortion, climate regulation, or even foreign aid. Each party uses the threat of a shutdown to project strength to its base, demonstrating resolve in ways that often frustrate the public. When a compromise has finally been reached, furloughed workers receive back pay, national parks reopen and daily life resumes. That is, until the next budgetary battle.


State governments, however, generally do not shut down. States in America collect their own revenues through income taxes, sales taxes, and other sources, meaning they can fund operations independently of Washington. Still, states are dependent on federal transfers for key programs such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure. During shutdowns, some states have temporarily bridged the gap, paying to keep national parks open or maintaining welfare programs to prevent disruption. California, for instance, reportedly allocated state funds in 2013 to keep Yosemite National Park accessible to tourists when federal operations were suspended.


Shutdowns are sometimes confused with the nation’s debt ceiling debates. America’s national debt, which is over $34 trillion, or roughly 125 percent of its gross domestic product (GDP), is the highest in its history. Yet debt itself is normal: Japan, for example, has debt exceeding 260 percent of GDP, Germany about 65 percent, and India roughly 82 percent. A shutdown does not indicate insolvency or default; it signals that elected officials have failed to agree on how to authorize spending. The real global concern arises only when Washington threatens not to pay interest on its debt, which would constitute a technical default—a scenario narrowly avoided on several occasions.


Historical examples illustrate the peculiar dynamics of American shutdowns. In 1995–1996, Republican Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich clashed with President Bill Clinton over spending on Medicare and education, resulting in a 27-day closure of federal agencies. In 2013, debates over the Affordable Care Act led to a 16-day shutdown under President Barack Obama. The 2018–2019 standoff centred on funding for a border wall proposed by Donald Trump in his first term as President left hundreds of thousands of federal workers unpaid for five weeks. Each episode, while politically charged, highlighted the idiosyncrasies of the U.S. legislative system rather than fiscal incapacity.


For the world, these shutdowns are largely symbolic. While they inconvenience domestic travellers, disrupt federal programs and create headlines, they rarely have catastrophic consequences. Foreign markets may twitch at the news, and U.S. political dysfunction can briefly rattle confidence, but essential services including the military, financial systems and debt payments, continue.


In essence, America’s government shutdowns are less about money than about politics. They reveal a system designed for checks and balances that sometimes becomes its own obstacle course. They dramatize the tension between an empowered legislature and an independent executive. And while the United States can survive even when the machinery of government pauses, the spectacle itself is a warning of the fragility inherent in a highly decentralised democracy.


For Americans, shutdowns are a recurring inconvenience; for the world, they are a reminder that even the most robust systems can be temporarily paralyzed by political brinkmanship. And for students of governance, they provide a uniquely American case study in how institutional design shapes the behaviour and occasionally the tantrums of elected officials.


(The author is an Indian-origin US citizen residing in Washington DC. Views personal.)

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