top of page

By:

Shoma A. Chatterji

21 August 2024 at 10:49:40 am

The Pallbearer’s Tragedy

Three decades after its premiere, Rangakarmee’s Mayyat remains a searing theatrical indictment of caste. Rangakarmee is perhaps the only theatre group that has been producing and performing plays in Hindi in Kolkata for 50 years this year. Founded and headed by the late Usha Ganguly, it is still as active and dynamic in presenting Hindi plays mainly new and sometimes recreating for the new audience, old plays that are timeless in their content and their appeal. The amazing feature of Mayyat...

The Pallbearer’s Tragedy

Three decades after its premiere, Rangakarmee’s Mayyat remains a searing theatrical indictment of caste. Rangakarmee is perhaps the only theatre group that has been producing and performing plays in Hindi in Kolkata for 50 years this year. Founded and headed by the late Usha Ganguly, it is still as active and dynamic in presenting Hindi plays mainly new and sometimes recreating for the new audience, old plays that are timeless in their content and their appeal. The amazing feature of Mayyat is that it was first performed by Usha Ganguly and her troupe way back in 1997 and has already performed around 500 shows spanning 30 years and signifies the cross-generational reach and popularity of the play. We saw a group of absolutely new actors dedicated to Rangakarmee. Their performance defined the strict discipline, the constant workouts and rehearsals to keep mobile and flexible because the very big cast needed to be perfect in body, mind and spirit during each 45-minute performance. What does the word Maiyyat mean? It is said to have its roots in Arabic and literally, it translates as ‘dead body’ or ‘corpse.’ The play is rooted in the deep internalization among the low castes of their exploitation and torture by the Brahmins of their village. The Brahmins are proud in their gait, their body language and even in their pure form of dress with the holy thread of Brahminism proudly on display. The custom of the proud, arrogant and rude Brahmins is to choose at least one among the four untouchables to become the pall-bearer when someone of the upper-caste dies. Instead of feeling sad or insulted, the chosen untouchable feels blessed and proud for being allowed by this strange custom of becoming a fake “Brahmin” if even for one day. Lakku is one such untouchable who lives somewhere near Aurangabad and leads a miserable life of poverty with the burden of a mentally deranged, motherless son he takes care of. The pall is decorated heavily with flowers and instead of looking like a bourse, it is decorated with lots of flowers like a palanquin. Someone obviously among the Brahmins is dead and the other Brahmins draw lots to find out which untouchable will be chosen to offer his shoulder to the bourse. `When Lakku’s name comes up in the shuffling of the paper chips, he is thrilled that at least for one day, he will enjoy the ‘blessing’ of becoming a “Brahmin.” But forced to run through the village on an empty stomach and with a weak body, Lakku collapses and dies before the bourse can reach the crematorium. Now, the question is – who will carry his body and carry it to the cremation ground? The entire performance, with 23 theatre actors, originally scripted, designed and directed by Usha Ganguly, is now performed by a new young cast under the guidance, training and supervision of Amal Saha, Deepesh Rajak, and Anirudh Sarkar. It has been conceived and designed like a musical opera with every Brahmin member of the cast, including the young women, dressed traditionally in pristine white with lots of marigold garlands and a sandalwood tikka adorning their foreheads. Though there are dialogues in the performance, these are either among the leading and decisive members among the Brahmins or scoldings and threats from the Brahmins to the four members from the untouchable tribe, each one representing a different low caste. These four men, alongwith Lakku and his mentally retarded son, keep waiting eagerly in one corner of the proscenium for the results of the lots to be drawn. They hug each other for joy when their names are announced and Lakku specially is thrilled with the responsibility of being pallbearer and becoming a Brahmin for just one night. Whose corpse is being carried in the bourse is not important. What is important is who are the pall bearers? At least, the Brahmins are not. What one carries home after watching a performance-play like Mayyat is the marvellous synchronization of the entire female cast wandering right around the proscenium space singing songs in complete harmony with not a note of error and the Brahmin men discussing, arguing and quarrelling over not how the corpse will be cremated but which low-caste man will become the pallbearer for one night. The bottom-line is caste is a continuous, historical evil. But should it remain so? (The writer is a noted film scholar. Views personal.)

Central Asia’s Middle-Power Rise and India’s Eurasian Strategy

India stands to benefit from middle powers reshaping the region.

In April, the EU held its first EU–Central Asia Leaders’ Summit in Samarkand with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, pledging €13.2 billion under the Global Gateway initiative. Over €10 billion has since been mobilised for infrastructure, logistics, energy and digital connectivity, with a critical minerals roadmap underway.


In parallel, China held a high-profile China–Central Asia Summit in Astana in June, offering an alternative engagement model. These moves signal a major geopolitical shift: Central Asia is no longer a passive arena for great-power rivalry but an increasingly assertive bloc of middle powers.


Middle power in Central Asia

Middle powers are defined less by size or military strength than by their ability to shape regional or global outcomes through soft power, coalition-building, norm-setting and diplomacy.


In Central Asia, Kazakhstan exemplifies this model as the region’s economic hub and most experienced diplomatic actor. It balances between Russia and the West while deepening ties with Türkiye, China and the Gulf. Its diversified defence procurement, role in energy transition dialogues and leadership in regional infrastructure mark it as a clear middle power.


Uzbekistan, centrally located with a large population and reformist leadership, is emerging as a logistical and diplomatic hub. It has strengthened economic and cultural ties with Türkiye, invested in South Caucasus transit routes, and plays a key role in regional energy and digital projects.


Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, often seen as peripheral, gain niche leverage through the C5 platform, selective engagement with China and the Gulf, and strategic roles in energy transit and labour migration.


Why now? Four structural shifts

Central Asia’s rise as a middle-power bloc stems from four shifts.


First, the post-Ukraine realignment has weakened Russia’s economic and political influence, prompting states to diversify toward the EU, Türkiye, the Gulf, South Korea and Japan.


Second, competition over transport corridors has intensified. The Middle Corridor (Trans-Caspian International Transport Route) is gaining traction as an alternative to Russian routes for China–Europe trade. The EU co-finances rail links, ports and digital customs systems, though bottlenecks in Azerbaijan and maritime insurance gaps hinder full operation.


Third, platform diplomacy has surged. The C5+1 framework with the US now covers the Critical Minerals Dialogue, while the EU has launched a roadmap for raw materials and trade facilitation. China counters with concessional loans and digital infrastructure.


Fourth, internal reforms—especially in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan—have expanded space for outward-looking, diversified diplomacy.


Arenas of middle-power behaviour

In connectivity and trade, the Middle Corridor is a flagship initiative. With EU support via the €10 billion Global Gateway, countries have launched pilot projects for customs harmonisation, digital waybills and port modernisation, notably in Kazakhstan and Georgia.


In energy and critical minerals, the EU–Central Asia declaration in April set a roadmap for uranium, copper, rare earths and green hydrogen. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan are central, with European firms exploring long-term offtake deals and co-investment. India, already a uranium importer from Kazakhstan, is a key stakeholder.


Security hedging is another area. Central Asian states have joined military exercises with the US, Türkiye, China and India. While formal alliances are avoided, interest in diversifying security ties is growing amid Afghan instability and concerns over Russian unpredictability.


Norm-setting and convening power reflect a subtler shift. States increasingly use multilateral forums to position themselves as thought leaders on issues from food security to climate resilience. Hosting summits with both the EU and China in the same year underscores this rising confidence.


Implications for India

India’s interests in Central Asia are strategic. The region offers an energy diversification buffer—uranium, natural gas and critical minerals support India’s clean energy goals—and a key overland link to Europe, complementing maritime routes. Engagement has expanded via the “Connect Central Asia” policy, Chabahar port investments, the INSTC, and dialogues on rare earths and supply chains.


More remains to be done. Rather than new corridors, India should strengthen existing ones by improving border logistics, harmonising customs and aligning digital platforms. Linking Chabahar with the Middle Corridor’s digital standards could create a hybrid route of strategic value.


India should also boost soft-power investments: education partnerships, vocational training, standards harmonisation and joint R&D in energy and technology. These steps can position India as a long-term partner rather than a transactional actor. With China and the EU already investing, delaying risks India being sidelined in Eurasia.


Risks and constraints

Several challenges could undermine Central Asia’s middle-power trajectory. Corridor viability depends on resolving bottlenecks like cross-border tariffs, opaque customs and unreliable insurance—especially for Caspian Sea segments. Political fragility, border disputes (notably Kyrgyzstan–Tajikistan) and weak governance also threaten progress.


Great-power pushback remains a concern: Russia wields influence via energy and elite networks, while China’s economic weight can overshadow smaller players. The EU’s reliance on private capital, which may hesitate without guarantees, adds uncertainty. If overly cautious, India risks a reactive rather than proactive role.


(The writer is a foreign affairs expert. Views personal.)

Comments

bottom of page