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By:

Rajendra Pandharpure

15 April 2025 at 7:55:54 pm

The BJP’s Ganesha Gambit

Pune’s Ganeshotsav has become an enormous civic and political stage, and the ruling party has proved adept at occupying it. Pune: The city’s Ganeshotsav is entering its final phase, but the festival has already demonstrated something beyond its extraordinary crowds and familiar spectacle: the extent to which it has become a political stage. This year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has left a particularly visible imprint on the festivities, using an event that reaches deep into the city’s...

The BJP’s Ganesha Gambit

Pune’s Ganeshotsav has become an enormous civic and political stage, and the ruling party has proved adept at occupying it. Pune: The city’s Ganeshotsav is entering its final phase, but the festival has already demonstrated something beyond its extraordinary crowds and familiar spectacle: the extent to which it has become a political stage. This year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has left a particularly visible imprint on the festivities, using an event that reaches deep into the city’s neighbourhoods as an opportunity for public outreach. The political appropriation of the festival has not, however, been without a counter-current. Demands were raised for curbs on noise pollution, loudspeakers and the volume of dhol-tasha performances. The argument was not against Ganeshotsav itself, but for moderation - notably, a complete ban on DJ music and limits on the number of dhol and tasha instruments used by performing troupes. Familiar Troubles The festival’s reality has been rather different. Major roads have been occupied by mandaps. Processions celebrating the arrival of Lord Ganesha have unfolded amid punishing noise. DJ music, while subject to restrictions, has continued. Traffic congestion has become a familiar feature of the festival, with the movement of political leaders adding another layer to the city’s already strained roads. The Peth areas have remained crowded deep into the night. The Shrimant Dagdusheth Halwai Ganpati temple has drawn enormous crowds for darshan from the opening day. From the old city to housing societies and neighbourhood mandals, Ganeshotsav touches virtually every part of Pune. For a political party seeking a direct connection with citizens, few occasions offer such a ready-made network of people, institutions and local influencers. The BJP enters this festival with an unusually formidable organisational base. It has two MPs, seven MLAs and more than 100 corporators in Pune. Murlidhar Mohol, one of the city’s MPs, is a Union Minister of State. Chandrakant Patil is a Cabinet minister in the Maharashtra government, while Madhuri Misal is a Minister of State. The party’s presence also extends into the festival’s organisational architecture. Its influence is visible across numerous mandals, large and small. BJP MLA Hemant Rasane is General Secretary of the Shrimant Dagdusheth Halwai Sarvajanik Ganpati Trust. Kunal Tilak, a member of Lokmanya Tilak’s family, is a BJP corporator. The political and cultural histories of Pune therefore intersect in ways that are difficult to ignore. The BJP’s senior leadership has also made the most of the occasion. National President Nitin Nabin visited Pune to seek Lord Ganesha’s blessings, while Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis visited the city before and during the festival. Such visits are about more than religious observance. In a festival watched by millions and embedded in the city’s social life, political visibility comes almost automatically. There is also talk in Pune that the BJP provided substantial financial support to Dhol-Lezim troupes and their organisers, with claims that some major mandals received financial backing as well. These claims would require independent verification, but the perception itself points to the depth of the political contest around Ganeshotsav. BJP workers, according to local observers, have also sought to make their presence more conspicuous than that of festivities organised by housing societies. Useful Expedient The festival arrives at a politically useful moment for the BJP. The party has faced disquiet on several fronts. Young people have been agitated over the paper-leak controversy. Broader public dissatisfaction has been voiced over inflation and unemployment, while government policies relating to ethanol and charges associated with UPI transactions have also generated criticism. While a political party can defend a policy in a press conference and advertise its achievements, during Ganeshotsav, its workers can be physically present in neighbourhoods, among processions, mandals, cultural groups and devotees. Politics thus becomes less about argument and more about visibility. That is the BJP’s advantage in Pune. Ganeshotsav, after all, is not simply a sequence of religious rituals. It is an elaborate civic network involving local organisers, volunteers, cultural groups, businesses, residents and political representatives. Whoever has influence over that network acquires a powerful channel of communication with the city. The BJP appears to understand this particularly well. Its strength in Pune’s electoral politics has been reinforced by a presence that extends beyond elections and into the institutions and social spaces that organise public life. The irony is that the very scale of the festival that makes it politically attractive also magnifies the civic costs. The political value of Ganeshotsav and the civic burden it creates are therefore two sides of the same phenomenon. For Pune, the larger question is not whether politics has entered Ganeshotsav. It has done so for decades. The more consequential question is whether the festival’s extraordinary social capital will remain primarily a vehicle for political outreach or whether the same influence can be used to reconcile celebration with the ordinary civic needs of the city. For the moment, the BJP seems to have understood the first proposition better than most.

Chaos Doctrine

Correspondent
Apr 8
2 min read

For a man who relishes brinkmanship, US President Donald Trump has increasingly begun to resemble a pyromaniac with a fire extinguisher, lighting crises only to theatrically douse them. His latest performance, announcing a ceasefire to pause the ongoing Iran conflict, bears ample testament to this phenomenon. Within the span of a single day, Trump threatened to annihilate Iranian civilian infrastructure by warning that “a whole civilisation will die” before pivoting, scarcely two hours before his own deadline, to announce a two-week ceasefire.


The volte-face was as revealing as it was reckless. Markets rallied, oil prices dipped and global leaders exhaled not because a durable peace had been secured, but because catastrophe had been momentarily deferred. Beneath the relief lies a troubling reality that the world’s most powerful military is being steered by impulses that swing wildly between maximalist threats and premature declarations of victory. Trump insists that “all military objectives” have been met and that a “definitive agreement” is within reach. Neither claim survives even cursory scrutiny.


Iran has not reopened Hormuz in any meaningful sense and missiles continue to fly between Iran and Israel. The Islamic Republic has not abandoned its nuclear ambitions, nor relinquished its most potent leverage - control over the very chokepoint Trump sought to strong-arm open. Iranian leaders appear convinced they can outlast American pressure, fracture regional alliances and emerge, battered but ascendant, as a hegemon.


The ceasefire, then, is not a prelude to peace but a pause born of necessity. Analysts note that the war has proved deeply unpopular at home, dragging down Trump’s approval ratings as fuel prices climb and midterm elections loom. The president’s sudden enthusiasm for diplomacy reflects a desperate search for an exit that can be spun, however implausibly, as a triumph.


Even the choreography of the ceasefire betrays confusion. Pakistan’s Shehbaz Sharif and Asim Munir have emerged as unlikely intermediaries, inviting delegations to Islamabad. That Washington would lean on Pakistan, a country that sponsors terror and is grappling with extreme economic fragility, raises questions about the coherence of Trump’s strategy. More established regional brokers, from Qatar to Saudi Arabia to India, have been conspicuously sidelined. Mediation, like war, appears to be conducted on the fly.


Meanwhile, contradictions abound. Benjamin Netanyahu has endorsed a temporary halt to strikes on Iran, even as Israeli forces continue to retaliate against missile launches.


Trump has always thrived on spectacle. But foreign policy is not a reality show and the gap between his rhetoric and reality has rarely been wider.


The danger now is that when the two weeks of ceasefire expire, the underlying dynamics will remain unchanged: a defiant Iran, a jittery Israel, a divided region and an American president who mistakes volatility for leverage. In such circumstances, the next crisis is not a possibility. It is a certainty.


Trump has not just lost the plot. He has mistaken chaos for control, and the world is left to bear the consequences. 


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