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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Inside the secret power struggle behind Dhankhar’s resignation

Mumbai: The cryptic silence surrounding the abrupt resignation of former Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar in July was shattered on the floor of the Rajya Sabha this Monday, not by a government clarification, but by the visible anguish of the Opposition. While official records continue to attribute his departure to “health reasons,” highly placed sources in the power corridors of the capital have now confirmed that a fatal misunderstanding of the shifting power dynamics between the Rashtriya...

Inside the secret power struggle behind Dhankhar’s resignation

Mumbai: The cryptic silence surrounding the abrupt resignation of former Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar in July was shattered on the floor of the Rajya Sabha this Monday, not by a government clarification, but by the visible anguish of the Opposition. While official records continue to attribute his departure to “health reasons,” highly placed sources in the power corridors of the capital have now confirmed that a fatal misunderstanding of the shifting power dynamics between the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) top brass was the true precipice from which the former Vice President fell. The revelations surfaced as the Winter Session of Parliament commenced on Monday, December 1, 2025. The solemnity of welcoming the new Vice President and Rajya Sabha Chairman, C.P. Radhakrishnan, was punctured by an emotional intervention from Leader of the Opposition Mallikarjun Kharge. The veteran Congress leader, hands shaking and voice trembling, shed tears on the floor of the House—a rare display of vulnerability that underscored the Opposition’s grievance over what they term an “institutional surgical strike.” The Failed Mediation Exclusive details emerging from Delhi’s political circles paint a picture of a constitutional authority who misread the winds of change. Sources reveal that tensions between Dhankhar and the government had been simmering for months, primarily over his handling of key legislative agendas and a perceived “drift” towards accommodating Opposition demands in the Upper House. As the chasm widened, a lifeline was reportedly thrown. A senior leader from a prominent alliance partner within the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) — a figure with decades of parliamentary experience and respect across the aisle — had discreetly offered to mediate. This leader recognized the growing impatience in the BJP high command and sought to bridge the gap before it became unbridgeable. However, Dhankhar declined the immediate urgency of this political mediation. “He was confident in his equations with the ideological parent,” a source familiar with the developments stated. “He is close to some of the RSS top functionaries and relied on them to mediate when his equations with the BJP top brass started going astray.” This reliance on Nagpur to manage New Delhi proved to be a critical miscalculation. Sources indicate that Dhankhar believed his deep ties with the Sangh would act as a buffer, insulating him from the political maneuvering of the ruling party’s executive leadership. He reportedly waited for the “green signal” or intervention from RSS functionaries, delaying the necessary reconciliation with the party leadership. Cost of delay The delay in mending ways was fatal. By the time the former Vice President realized that the RSS would not—or could not—overrule the BJP’s strategic decision to replace him, the die had been cast. The drift had become a gulf. The instruction, when it finally came on that fateful July 21, was absolute - he had to vacate the office immediately. The “untimely sudden resignation” that followed was officially cloaked in medical terminology, but insiders describe a chaotic exit. The former VP, who had recently moved into the lavish new Vice-President’s Enclave, was forced to vacate the premises in haste, leaving behind a tenure marked by both assertive confrontations and, ironically, a final act of silent compliance. Tears in the Upper House The ghost of this departure loomed large over Monday’s proceedings. Welcoming the new Chairman, C.P. Radhakrishnan, Mallikarjun Kharge could not hold back his emotions. Breaking away from the customary pleasantries, Kharge launched into a poignant lament for the predecessor who was denied a farewell. “I am constrained to refer to your predecessor’s completely unexpected and sudden exit from the office of the Rajya Sabha Chairman, which is unprecedented in the annals of parliamentary history,” Kharge said, his voice heavy with emotion. As Treasury benches erupted in protest, shouting slogans to drown out the discomforting truth, Kharge continued, wiping tears from his eyes. “The Chairman, being the custodian of the entire House, belongs as much to the Opposition as to the government. I was disheartened that the House did not get an opportunity to bid him a farewell. Regardless, we wish him, on behalf of the entire Opposition, a very healthy life.” The sight of the Leader of the Opposition shedding tears for a presiding officer with whom he had frequently clashed was a striking paradox. It highlighted the Opposition’s narrative that Dhankhar’s removal was not just a personnel change, but an assertion of executive dominance over the legislature. New chapter with old scars The government, represented by Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju, sharply countered Kharge’s remarks, accusing the Opposition of shedding “crocodile tears” after having moved impeachment notices against Dhankhar in the past. “You are insulting the Chair by raising this now,” Rijiju argued amidst the din. Yet, outside the House, the whispers persisted. The narrative of a Vice President who waited for a call from Nagpur that came too late has firmly taken root. As C.P. Radhakrishnan takes the Chair, he does so not just as a new presiding officer, but as the successor to a man who learned the hard way that in the current dispensation, political alignment with the executive supersedes even the oldest of ideological ties.

China-Pakistan-Bangladesh Pact: New Challenge for India

Updated: Oct 21, 2024

The proposed joint trade and security agreement between China, Pakistan, and Bangladesh poses significant challenges to India’s regional dominance. Driven by China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), with Pakistan as a key partner through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), Bangladesh has increased its economic ties with China, particularly in infrastructure and energy. This trilateral cooperation could counterbalance India’s influence, leading to strategic, economic, and security concerns. India faces potential military threats, disrupted trade routes, and strained diplomatic relations, especially in regional forums like SAARC and BIMSTEC.

The potential agreement also has significant political and diplomatic repercussions for India, particularly in its relations with Bangladesh and regional organizations. India’s relationship with Bangladesh has been a cornerstone of its regional policy, marked by cooperation on issues like border management, water sharing, and counter-terrorism. However, the proposed agreement could strain these ties, particularly if Bangladesh becomes more aligned with China and Pakistan. The potential for increased Chinese influence in Bangladesh’s domestic politics could lead to a shift in Dhaka’s foreign policy, making it less receptive to India’s concerns and more aligned with China’s strategic interests. This could complicate India’s efforts to resolve longstanding issues like the sharing of Teesta river waters and the management of the India-Bangladesh border.

In response to the potential joint trade and security agreement, India has several strategic, economic, and diplomatic options to consider. On the strategic front, India may need to reassess its military alliances and defence posture. Strengthening ties with the United States, Japan, and Australia, particularly within the Quad framework, could provide India with the necessary support to counterbalance the growing China-Pakistan-Bangladesh axis. India could also invest in advanced military technologies, such as missile defence systems, cyber capabilities, and unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), to enhance its deterrence capabilities. The expansion of India’s naval presence in the Indian Ocean, particularly through enhanced cooperation with countries like Sri Lanka, the Maldives, and the Seychelles, could help secure critical sea lanes and counter the Chinese presence in the region.

Economically, India could focus on diversifying its trade partners and strengthening its domestic markets. By expanding its trade ties with countries in Africa, Latin America, and Southeast Asia, India can reduce its dependence on traditional markets and mitigate the impact of any economic isolation in South Asia. India could also focus on boosting its manufacturing sector through initiatives like “Make in India” and “Atmanirbhar Bharat” (Self-Reliant India) to reduce its reliance on imports and enhance its global competitiveness. Building strategic economic partnerships, such as free trade agreements with key partners, could help India secure its position in global supply chains.

On the diplomatic front, India could seek to build stronger alliances with countries that share its concerns about China’s growing influence. By enhancing its engagement with countries like Vietnam, Indonesia, and the Philippines, India can build a coalition that supports a free and open Indo-Pacific. India could also leverage its soft power, including its cultural diplomacy, humanitarian aid, and development assistance, to strengthen its ties with countries in South Asia and beyond. By presenting itself as a reliable partner that respects the sovereignty and independence of its neighbours, India can build goodwill and counter the narrative of Chinese dominance.

To counter the potential security threats posed by the agreement, India could enhance its intelligence capabilities and strengthen its counter-terrorism measures. This could involve increased surveillance along its borders, enhanced cooperation with international intelligence agencies, and greater investments in cybersecurity to protect critical infrastructure.

The proposed joint trade and security agreement between China, Pakistan, and Bangladesh presents a complex challenge for India, with far-reaching implications for its strategic, economic, and diplomatic interests. While the agreement could potentially undermine India’s influence in South Asia, it also presents an opportunity for India to recalibrate its strategies and build stronger partnerships with like-minded countries. As the geopolitical landscape in South Asia continues to evolve, India must remain vigilant and proactive in safeguarding its interests. By adopting a multifaceted approach that combines strategic, economic, and diplomatic initiatives, India can navigate the challenges posed by the potential agreement and continue to assert its role as a leading power in the region.

(The writer is a Senior Research Associate, Vishwa Samvad Kendra, Mumbai. Views personal.)

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