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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 8:56:24 pm

Political row splits 110-day-old CJP

Mumbai: In an abrupt development, the 110-day old Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) founded by Maharashtra’s Abhijeet Dipke has reportedly split with a Gujarat-based activist Manish Brahmbhatt announcing a rival ‘CJP-Democratic’ – amid political accusations hurled at each other. Announcing the new faction in New Delhi today, Brahmbhatt claimed that the original CJP which emerged from a movement built on the blood and sweat of people subsequently transformed itself solely into a handpicked team...

Political row splits 110-day-old CJP

Mumbai: In an abrupt development, the 110-day old Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) founded by Maharashtra’s Abhijeet Dipke has reportedly split with a Gujarat-based activist Manish Brahmbhatt announcing a rival ‘CJP-Democratic’ – amid political accusations hurled at each other. Announcing the new faction in New Delhi today, Brahmbhatt claimed that the original CJP which emerged from a movement built on the blood and sweat of people subsequently transformed itself solely into a handpicked team for Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) President and former Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal. “Their aim is to engage in political deals. They show no interest in fighting for the issues faced by students or people from other states; instead, acting merely at Kejriwal’s behest, they want to oppose the BJP only to support parties that are anti-BJP....,” declared Brahmbhatt. He asked why only a handful of people involved in the CJP are from the AAP though the movement had attracted people from all over the country and belonging to Congress, Bharatiya Janata Party, Shiv Sena (UBT), RJD and others. “Not a single volunteer or protester from those groups is included here. They utilised women, yet there is no female face – besides a spokesperson. They exploited Muslims and Sikhs, who opened langars and Gurudwaras, but they have no representation. Even students are kept out though it was a students' movement fighting against exam paper leaks,” said Brahmbhatt in a no-holds-barred attack on Dipke. Strongly refuting the charges, Dipke denied that CJP is controlled or funded by any political party, or functioning as a ’B Team’ for any other political entity. “Maharashtra CM says I am Congress' 'B' team; some others claim I am AAPs 'B' team... Actually we are the 'A' team of the students. We remain independent, work as a pressure group and committed to grassroots students issues and education reforms,” said Dipke today. Unfazed, Brahmbhatt accused Dipke of forming a “12-member team right from his home” without taking into confidence any of the original activists or persons linked with the CJP in the past nearly four months. “Nobody associated with the movement was consulted or invited… What criteria were used for these (12-strong) appointments? Eight persons linked to the AAP plus his female friends and college buddies, are inducted,” alleged Brahmbhatt, justifying the launch of CJP-D intended to mobilise the collective strength of the younger masses. He said activists had demanded five representatives from every state to prevent any single individual from taking unilateral decisions or behaving like a ‘dictatorial king’, but “the proposal was rejected” with Kejriwal – who suggested the idea for such a team - now allegedly hijacking the movement. Despite repeated attempts by The Perfect Voice, Dipke was not available for comments on the matter. Launched on May 16, by a Abhijeet Dipke, 30, the CJP sought to turn the ‘cockroach’ label for unemployed and politically conscious youth into a symbol of dissent and protest, bringing together students angry over examination-paper leaks and wider concerns about the education system and youth opportunities. The online movement quickly snowballed into a mass pressure group and semi-political youth movement, drawing support and attention from sections of mainstream political parties and celebrities. At that time, Dipke had described it as ‘a new platform for all Cockroaches” – hogging global attention - but barely 110-days later, it was hit with a purported vertical split.

Choking Mumbai

For decades, Mumbai was perceived as a rare urban oasis, where the saline sweep of the Arabian Sea blunted the worst ravages of India's air pollution. That illusion has now been dispelled. A meticulous four-year study by Respirer Living Sciences (RLS), using data from its AtlasAQ platform, reveals the bleak truth that the city’s air is thick with pollutants all year round, with no ‘clean season’ left.


Mumbai’s annual average levels of PM10 (particulate matter ten microns or less in diameter) have consistently breached the national safety threshold of 60 micrograms per cubic metre (μg/m³). This is not merely a seasonal malaise tied to cooler winter months, as once assumed. Alarmingly, the city’s pollution levels persist even through the hot season, a time when improved atmospheric dispersion should offer natural reprieve.


Across the city - from Chakala in Andheri East to Deonar, Kurla, Vile Parle West and Mazgaon - pollution has become an unrelenting, ubiquitous presence.


The culprits are well known: traffic emissions from a burgeoning number of vehicles; unregulated dust from frenzied construction; industrial activity in and around the ports; and a conspicuous lack of dust control measures. Mumbai’s ceaseless growth now risks becoming a chronic liability.


Worryingly, the regulatory response remains sluggish. Mumbai’s urban planning continues to treat clean air as a peripheral concern, not a foundational necessity. Development plans rarely integrate environmental impact assessments in a meaningful way.


A sharper, citywide strategy is urgently needed. Dust suppression rules at construction sites must be enforced strictly, with financial penalties for violators and incentives for best practices. Traffic management systems should be overhauled to ease congestion and encourage the use of public transport. Expansion of clean, reliable mass transit network needs to be urgently prioritised. In addition, comprehensive real-time air monitoring at the ward level should be deployed, enabling authorities to respond to localised pollution spikes swiftly rather than relying on citywide averages that conceal dangerous hotspots.


Longer-term, clean air targets must be hardwired into the city’s master planning and transport policies. Green buffers along major traffic corridors, stricter emission norms for commercial vehicles and incentives for rooftop gardens and urban afforestation could all play a part. Industrial zones near port areas should be subjected to rigorous air quality compliance measures, not token self-certifications. Private developers and large infrastructure firms, often among the worst offenders, must be made stakeholders in the clean air mission through binding regulations.


Mumbai’s commercial dynamism - as a magnet for migrants, entrepreneurs and investors - depends not just on glittering skyscrapers but on something far more basic: the ability to breathe. Unless clean air becomes an unshakeable priority, the city risks suffocating its own future. For a metropolis that prides itself on its resilience against terror attacks, monsoon floods and economic shocks, the real test will be whether it can muster the will to fight an invisible, pervasive enemy slowly corroding the lives of its 20 million citizens.

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