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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Victory in the streets, vacuum in the office

State BJP without official body since over 8 months Mumbai: Despite a crushing wave of victories across Maharashtra’s urban and rural landscape, the state unit of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) finds itself in a peculiar state of organizational paralysis. More than eight months after Ravindra Chavan officially took the reins as State President from Chandrashekhar Bawankule in July 2025, the party has failed to constitute its state executive body, exposing deep-seated internal friction and a...

Victory in the streets, vacuum in the office

State BJP without official body since over 8 months Mumbai: Despite a crushing wave of victories across Maharashtra’s urban and rural landscape, the state unit of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) finds itself in a peculiar state of organizational paralysis. More than eight months after Ravindra Chavan officially took the reins as State President from Chandrashekhar Bawankule in July 2025, the party has failed to constitute its state executive body, exposing deep-seated internal friction and a deadlock with the central leadership in Delhi. Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis visited Delhi twice this week. On Friday he also called on the newly elected national party president Nitin Nabin. Though it is being speculated that the meeting might lead to political realignment in the state, real question is whether it will bring to the tracks the derailed organizational appointments of the state party unit. The primary catalyst for this administrative limbo is said to be a strict directive from the BJP high command. In a bid to ensure that elected representatives remain laser-focused on their constituencies ahead of the 2029 cycle, the party leadership has mandated that no sitting MLA should be appointed as an organizational office bearer. While logically sound, this "one person, one post" enforcement has drained the pool of seasoned leaders available for the state body. State President Ravindra Chavan, himself an MLA from Dombivli, is reportedly struggling to balance the requirement for experienced "organizational engines" with the demand for fresh, non-legislative faces. The friction has reportedly peaked over the appointment of a specific former minister who lost his seat during the 2024 Lok Sabha debacle. Sources indicate this leader, who feels sidelined after being denied a cabinet berth in the Devendra Fadnavis-led government, is lobbying aggressively for the powerful post of State General Secretary. However, the Delhi high command remains unimpressed. Citing his recent electoral loss and a "cloud of controversy" surrounding his previous tenure, the central leadership has twice rejected the list of office bearers submitted by the state unit. This tug-of-war has effectively stalled the entire process, as the state unit is hesitant to move forward without accommodating senior loyalists. The irony of the situation is not lost on political observers. The organizational delay comes at a time when the BJP’s "election machine" is performing at its peak. While demonstrating its civic dominance, in the January 2026 municipal elections, the BJP swept 1,425 out of 2,869 seats across 29 corporations, including a historic victory in the BMC. It also demonstrated its rural surge in the recently concluded Zilla Parishad polls, where the party emerged as the single largest entity, winning 225 of 731 seats. "The party is winning on the strength of the 'Fadnavis-Chavan' duo and the Mahayuti's momentum, but the skeletal structure of the organization is missing. We have generals and soldiers, but no mid-level commanders," noted a senior party strategist on the condition of anonymity. When questioned about the delay, Ravindra Chavan’s office has maintained a disciplined silence. Staffers decline to provide a timeline, merely stating that "consultations are ongoing." This lack of a formal state body means that key wings of the party—including the Youth, Women, and Kisan Morchas—are operating without a full set of sanctioned leaders. While the BJP continues to win elections through centralized command, the simmering discontent among senior leaders who feel "abandoned" by the high command's new rules could pose a challenge to long-term internal harmony.

Choking Mumbai

For decades, Mumbai was perceived as a rare urban oasis, where the saline sweep of the Arabian Sea blunted the worst ravages of India's air pollution. That illusion has now been dispelled. A meticulous four-year study by Respirer Living Sciences (RLS), using data from its AtlasAQ platform, reveals the bleak truth that the city’s air is thick with pollutants all year round, with no ‘clean season’ left.


Mumbai’s annual average levels of PM10 (particulate matter ten microns or less in diameter) have consistently breached the national safety threshold of 60 micrograms per cubic metre (μg/m³). This is not merely a seasonal malaise tied to cooler winter months, as once assumed. Alarmingly, the city’s pollution levels persist even through the hot season, a time when improved atmospheric dispersion should offer natural reprieve.


Across the city - from Chakala in Andheri East to Deonar, Kurla, Vile Parle West and Mazgaon - pollution has become an unrelenting, ubiquitous presence.


The culprits are well known: traffic emissions from a burgeoning number of vehicles; unregulated dust from frenzied construction; industrial activity in and around the ports; and a conspicuous lack of dust control measures. Mumbai’s ceaseless growth now risks becoming a chronic liability.


Worryingly, the regulatory response remains sluggish. Mumbai’s urban planning continues to treat clean air as a peripheral concern, not a foundational necessity. Development plans rarely integrate environmental impact assessments in a meaningful way.


A sharper, citywide strategy is urgently needed. Dust suppression rules at construction sites must be enforced strictly, with financial penalties for violators and incentives for best practices. Traffic management systems should be overhauled to ease congestion and encourage the use of public transport. Expansion of clean, reliable mass transit network needs to be urgently prioritised. In addition, comprehensive real-time air monitoring at the ward level should be deployed, enabling authorities to respond to localised pollution spikes swiftly rather than relying on citywide averages that conceal dangerous hotspots.


Longer-term, clean air targets must be hardwired into the city’s master planning and transport policies. Green buffers along major traffic corridors, stricter emission norms for commercial vehicles and incentives for rooftop gardens and urban afforestation could all play a part. Industrial zones near port areas should be subjected to rigorous air quality compliance measures, not token self-certifications. Private developers and large infrastructure firms, often among the worst offenders, must be made stakeholders in the clean air mission through binding regulations.


Mumbai’s commercial dynamism - as a magnet for migrants, entrepreneurs and investors - depends not just on glittering skyscrapers but on something far more basic: the ability to breathe. Unless clean air becomes an unshakeable priority, the city risks suffocating its own future. For a metropolis that prides itself on its resilience against terror attacks, monsoon floods and economic shocks, the real test will be whether it can muster the will to fight an invisible, pervasive enemy slowly corroding the lives of its 20 million citizens.

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