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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

‘Bharat Ratna to Savarkar will increase its prestige’

Mumbai: Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Sarsanghachalak Dr. Mohan Bhagwat on Sunday threw his full weight behind the long-standing demand to confer the Bharat Ratna on Swatantryaveer Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, asserting that the Hindutva ideologue’s inclusion would enhance the dignity of the country’s highest civilian honour. Bhagwat, who explained the genesis and growth of the RSS over past 100 years in two lectures at the Nehru Centre here on Saturday and Sunday, replied to several...

‘Bharat Ratna to Savarkar will increase its prestige’

Mumbai: Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Sarsanghachalak Dr. Mohan Bhagwat on Sunday threw his full weight behind the long-standing demand to confer the Bharat Ratna on Swatantryaveer Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, asserting that the Hindutva ideologue’s inclusion would enhance the dignity of the country’s highest civilian honour. Bhagwat, who explained the genesis and growth of the RSS over past 100 years in two lectures at the Nehru Centre here on Saturday and Sunday, replied to several questions. While replying to one of the questions, he remarked, “If Swatantraveer Savarkar is given the Bharat Ratna, the prestige of the Bharat Ratna itself will increase.” He was asked, why there has been a delay in conferring the Bharat Ratna on Savarkar, in reply to which, Bhagwat said, “I am not part of that committee. But if I meet someone, I will ask. Even without that honour, he rules the hearts of millions of people.” he added. Social Divisions Bhagwat replied to questions that were clubbed in 14 different groups ranging from national security to environment, social harmony, youth, arts and sports. Whenever the questions suggested or expressed expectations that the RSS should do certain things, Bhagwat stressed on the involvement of the society and initiative from the society in resolving the problems. While addressing the critical issue of Uniform Civil Code, Bhagwat stated that the UCC should be framed by taking everyone into confidence and must not lead to social divisions. In the same way while replying to the question related to illegal migrants in the country, Bhagwat urged people to “detect and report” the “illegal infiltrators” to the police. He also urged people not to give them any employment and to be more “vigilant.” Backing SIR He highlighted that the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise has already revealed the “foreigners” living in the country. “The government has a lot to do regarding infiltration. They have to detect and deport. This wasn’t happening until now, but it has started little by little, and it will gradually increase. When the census or the SIR is conducted, many people come to light who are not citizens of this country; they are automatically excluded from the process,” he said. “But we can do one thing: we can work on detection. Their language gives them away. We should detect them and report them to the appropriate authorities. We should inform the police that we suspect these people are foreigners, and they should investigate and keep an eye on them, and we will also keep an eye on them. We will not give employment to any foreigner. If someone is from our country, we will give them employment, but not to foreigners. You should be a little more vigilant and aware,” he added. SC Chief Emphasising the inclusivity of the Sangh, he said that anyone can become ‘Sarsanghchalak’ (RSS chief), including the SC and STs, as the decision is solely dependent on the work that any individual put for the organisation. “Kshatriya, Vaishya, Shudra or Brahmin does not qualify for the Sarsanghchalak position (RSS Chief), a Hindu will become the one who works and is best available. A Hindu will become, and that can also be an SC or ST. Anyone can become it depends on the work. Today, if you see, all classes have representation in the Sangh. The decision is taken on the basis of one who works and is best available,” he said. He pointed out that when the RSS was founded, its work began in a Brahmin-dominated community and hence, most of its founders were Brahmins, which led to the organisation being labelled as a Brahmin outfit at the time. People always look for an organisation that has representatives from their community, he said. “If I were to choose a chief, I would go by the ‘best available candidate’ criterion. When I was appointed RSS chief, there were many best candidates, but they were not available. I was the one who could be relieved from duties and appointed,” he said. He said that to belong to the Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe communities is not a disqualification, and neither is being a Brahmin a qualification to become the RSS chief. Ready to step down if Sangh asks for Dr. Mohan Bhagwat on Sunday said the Sangh had asked him to continue working despite his age, while stressing that he would step down from the post whenever the organisation directs him to do so. “There is no election to the post of RSS chief. Regional and divisional heads appoint the chief. Generally, it is said that after turning 75, one should work without holding any post,” Bhagwat said. “I have completed 75 years and informed the RSS, but the organisation asked me to continue working. Whenever the RSS asks me to step down, I will do so, but retirement from work will never happen,” he said.

Cracks in the Sugar Bowl: Sharad Pawar’s Calculated Rejig in Western Maharashtra

As the state readies for local elections, the political veteran tightens his grip on a shrinking stronghold even as the Congress withers and rivals multiply

Maharashtra is preparing for a bruising electoral season. Over the next five months, voters will go to the polls to elect representatives to Zilla Parishads, Municipal Corporations and smaller Municipal Councils across the state. While much of the media's attention will be on how the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its allies fare, the more intriguing drama is unfolding behind the scenes and within the faction led by Sharad Pawar, the octogenarian patriarch of the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP-SP) who is attempting to reassert control over western Maharashtra - the political turf he once ruled with an iron grip.


The recent reshuffle of the party’s state leadership is a case in point. For eight years, Jayant Patil, a seasoned MLA and former cabinet minister, held the post of Maharashtra NCP president. In an internal party meeting in Pune, Patil reportedly expressed his desire to step aside, arguing that the party needed to bring in new blood. Then, with no prior fanfare, news broke that Patil had resigned and that Shashikant Shinde would replace him. Yet, even as the reports spread, the party’s spokespeople scrambled to deny them. Jitendra Awhad, a senior NCP MLA, claimed no such resignation had occurred. Supriya Sule, Pawar’s daughter and working president of the party, publicly stated that she had not seen any resignation letter.


Nonetheless, within days, the handover was complete. Shinde took over as state president and Patil was out. It was a masterclass in controlled ambiguity. It was classic Pawar, who has built a career out of inscrutable moves and quiet power plays. The fog of confusion surrounding the transition was perhaps intentional, offering Pawar room to manage internal dissent while sending a clear message that control remains firmly in his hands.


The choice of Shashikant Shinde is notable not only for what it represents but also for what it avoids. There had been speculation that the post might go to a leader from Marathwada (a region where the NCP is comparatively weaker) or perhaps to a non-Marathi face, as a signal of broader inclusivity. Instead, Pawar stuck to his base. Shinde hails from the sugar-rich belt of Satara and Sangli, a region central to the NCP’s historical strength and still vital to its survival. The appointment reaffirms Pawar’s instinct to consolidate rather than experiment, to preserve what little remains rather than chase new rainbows.


This realignment comes as Pawar’s party braces for a daunting electoral landscape. Western Maharashtra will witness a three-cornered contest: between Sharad Pawar’s NCP (SP), the BJP, and the breakaway NCP group led by his nephew and current Deputy Chief Minister, Ajit Pawar, which is alliance with the BJP in the Mahayuti. The BJP, under the calculated leadership of Devendra Fadnavis, is already deploying a disciplined cadre and ample resources to seize control in urban and rural pockets alike. Ajit Pawar’s faction remains potent in areas such as Pimpri-Chinchwad and parts of Satara, Sangli and Kolhapur, but lacks the geographic spread to threaten the BJP alone (regardless of whether they are allies at the state and national levels).


Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena faction, meanwhile, is a peripheral player in the region, with influence limited to isolated pockets such as Patan in Satara district and Hadapsar and Kasba in Pune city. The real contest, in most constituencies, will likely be a two-way affair between the BJP and Ajit Pawar’s group, leaving Sharad Pawar in a precarious third position unless he can marshal his fragmented forces with urgency.


Even more concerning for Pawar is the state of his nominal ally, the Congress party. Once a formidable presence in western Maharashtra, the Congress is now a shadow of its former self. It has all but vanished in Pune district, once the nerve centre of the party’s rural outreach. Apart from a few surviving local barons like Praniti Shinde in Solapur, Satej Patil in Kolhapur, and former Chief Minister Prithviraj Chavan in Karad, the party lacks both leadership and infrastructure. It is, to borrow Pawar’s own words from a 2021 address, “the lord of a deserted mansion.”


Whether Pawar still believes that metaphor applies remains to be seen. But if so, it begs a larger question: can he afford to continue relying on the Congress as a strategic partner in western Maharashtra and in the Baramati Lok Sabha seat - his most prized political possession? The party’s state president, Nana Patole, is attempting to revive the base through tireless tours and daily engagements, but the response remains tepid. “Our national leader is strong,” say party workers, referring to Rahul Gandhi. “But the organisation in Maharashtra is broken.”


There are still some optimists within the Congress who believe that a visit from Gandhi could revive morale. But that is hope, not strategy. In the meantime, Sharad Pawar is acting, as always, with shrewd calculation. The replacement of Patil with Shinde may appear minor in isolation, but in the context of western Maharashtra’s shifting political sands, it is a signal. The sugar bowl of Maharashtra may no longer brim with power, but Pawar intends to stir it as long as he can.



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