top of page

By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 4:59:11 pm

MLC polls expose cracks in Mahayuti, MVA

AI Generated Image Mumbai: The upcoming Maharashtra Legislative Council (MLC) elections for the graduate and teacher constituencies have laid bare the deep-seated fissures within both the ruling Mahayuti and the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) alliances. In a significant development that could have far-reaching political implications, multiple rebel candidates, including prominent figures with strong party affiliations, have defied alliance dictates to file their nominations as...

MLC polls expose cracks in Mahayuti, MVA

AI Generated Image Mumbai: The upcoming Maharashtra Legislative Council (MLC) elections for the graduate and teacher constituencies have laid bare the deep-seated fissures within both the ruling Mahayuti and the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) alliances. In a significant development that could have far-reaching political implications, multiple rebel candidates, including prominent figures with strong party affiliations, have defied alliance dictates to file their nominations as independents, setting the stage for high-stakes, multi-cornered contests. Mahayuti Turmoil The Mahayuti alliance, comprising the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena, and the Ajit Pawar-led Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), is grappling with rebellion on multiple fronts. In the critical Nagpur Graduates constituency, a traditional BJP stronghold, former BJP MLC and Nagpur Mayor Anil Sole has thrown a spanner in the works by filing his nomination as an independent candidate. This move directly challenges the official BJP candidate, Sudhakar Kohale. While the BJP leadership, including state president Ravindra Chavan, has attempted to downplay the situation, asserting that Sole has been "pacified," the former MLC's actions tell a different story. Sole's decision to contest independently is particularly significant given his long-standing association with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and his previous stint as a BJP MLC from the very same constituency. The situation is equally complicated in the Amravati Teachers constituency. The Shiv Sena (Shinde faction) has officially fielded Kiran Sarnaik. However, adding to the confusion, Sangita Shinde, sister of BJP MP Anil Bonde, has also entered the fray, potentially splitting the Mahayuti vote. The opposition MVA is also facing its share of internal discord here. While the Congress has nominated Aditi Pohre, daughter of former minister Harshvardhan Deshmukh, the Shiv Sena (UBT) has fielded Dattatray Lahane. The presence of numerous candidates representing various teachers' organizations further complicates the electoral arithmetic in this constituency. Opposition Rebellion The Chhatrapati Sambhaji Nagar Graduates constituency has witnessed another surprise development. While the NCP's sitting MLC, Satish Chavan, was widely considered the frontrunner, the BJP's M.K. Deshmukh has unexpectedly filed his nomination as a rebel candidate, catching the Mahayuti leadership completely off guard. The MVA, too, is facing rebellion in this constituency. Although the seat was officially allocated to the NCP (Sharad Pawar faction), Shiv Sena (UBT)'s Dilip Ghuge has also filed his nomination, causing significant heartburn within the opposition alliance. The Pune constituencies present a microcosm of the larger alliance troubles. In the Pune Graduates constituency, the BJP has fielded Dr. Smita Jadhav, the daughter-in-law of Pratap Singh Jadhav, owner of the 'Pudhari' news group and niece of Congress leader Satej Patil. Adding intrigue to this contest is the fact that she is contesting against Harshada Deshmukh-Jadhav, the official candidate of the NCP (Sharad Pawar faction). However, the real drama is unfolding in the Pune Teachers constituency. The BJP's official candidate, Koustubh Gawde, is facing a formidable challenge from Mangesh Chiwate, a close confidant of Chief Minister Eknath Shinde. Chiwate, a former journalist who handled the CM's medical aid cell while Shinde was the CM, has claimed that his party leadership has provided him with the crucial 'AB' form, signaling official backing. Commenting on the chaotic situation, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis acknowledged that seat-sharing talks remained inconclusive in some areas but expressed hope that the alliance partners would eventually reach an agreement. The true picture of the electoral battlefield will only emerge after Friday, October 9th, the last date for the withdrawal of nominations. Until then, both alliances will be working overtime to contain the rebellions and present a united front, but the deep cracks exposed by these developments suggest that the upcoming MLC elections will be fiercely contested and highly unpredictable.

Delhi’s Winter of Discontent

Dec 3, 2025
4 min read

The capital’s annual smog crisis is no longer a seasonal aberration but a policy failure in slow motion.

In recent years, winter in north India has become a season of dread instead of relief from the monsoons. Nowhere is this more viscerally felt than in Delhi, which has slipped from a polluted megacity into the ranks of the world’s most toxic capitals.


Until the early 1990s, Delhi’s air, though imperfect, remained largely breathable. A smaller population, fewer vehicles and favourable wind patterns helped disperse emissions. That equilibrium collapsed with astonishing speed. The city’s vehicle stock surged from roughly 1.5 million in the late 1980s to nearly 7.5 million today, while public transport and regulatory capacity failed to keep up. Fuels sold until 1999 contained sulphur levels of nearly 10,000 parts per million – a staggering one hundred times today’s permissible limit. At the same time, relentless construction, shrinking green spaces and dust-laced urban expansion quietly dismantled the city’s natural air filters.


Pollution Trap

The result is a winter ritual of suffocation. Delhi’s annual average PM2.5 concentration now hovers near 93 micrograms per cubic metre - six times the World Health Organisation’s safe limit. In November 2024, the Air Quality Index (AQI) climbed to a near-apocalyptic 491. A year later, on November 27th, 2025, it touched 396 - an exposure equivalent to smoking nine cigarettes a day. From October to February, meteorology conspires against the city. Cold air settles beneath warmer layers, forming a lid that traps pollution close to the ground. Winds weaken, rainfall disappears, and north-westerlies ferry smoke from neighbouring farm belts. Nestled within the bowl of the Indo-Gangetic Plain and hemmed in by the Himalayas and Aravalli range, Delhi struggles to ventilate itself even when emissions fall.


Every autumn, farms in Punjab, Haryana and western Uttar Pradesh set fire to crop residue to prepare fields rapidly for the next sowing. Stubble burning once accounted for as much as 38 percent of Delhi’s winter PM2.5 load. Subsidies for machinery, penalties and satellite monitoring have halved those emissions. Yet even a reduced share remains a powerful seasonal accelerant.


More stubborn is vehicular pollution, which contributes 40–50 percent of Delhi’s fine particulates year-round. Stricter Bharat Stage VI standards slashed per-vehicle emissions, but explosive fleet growth has wiped out the gains. Diesel cars still dominate. Public transport carries less than a tenth of daily commuters. Past fixes have either delivered fleeting relief or fizzled under weak enforcement. The uncomfortable truth is that cleaner engines cannot compensate for unchecked car dependence.


Delhi’s construction boom adds another layer of grit. Dust from building sites and demolition accounts for up to 40 percent of PM10 and roughly a fifth of PM2.5 in winter. Cleaner construction rules introduced in 2021 promised to cut dust by 70 percent. In practice, small builders evade scrutiny, monitoring is threadbare and winter construction surges precisely when dispersion collapses.


Though Delhi shut its three coal-fired power stations by 2018, it remains ringed by 11–12 plants within a 300-kilometre radius. Together, they emit sixteen times more sulphur dioxide than crop-burning fires. Heavy industry has mostly moved out, but brick kilns, illegal units and small factories persist, thriving on regulatory blind spots.


Waste is another silent culprit. Delhi generates 14,000 tonnes of garbage daily; over 3,000 tonnes still rot in landfills, releasing methane and noxious gases. Waste-to-energy plants, meant to incinerate the problem, emit toxic metals and dioxins, while hazardous ash often piles up near residential colonies. A proposed new facility in Bawana has already sparked local revolt.


Festive firecrackers complete the winter’s toxic cocktail. After Diwali, PM2.5 concentrations recently averaged nearly 800 micrograms, peaking at over 1,700 - almost 30 times safe levels. Blanket bans between 2020 and 2024 collapsed under illegal sales. Restaurants and street vendors, many still using coal- and wood-fired tandoors, add to the burden. Though cleaner fuels have cut some emissions, biomass burning in peri-urban homes alone still contributes nearly a quarter of winter particulates. Broken roads, dust storms and methane from long-saturated landfills ensure that everyday pollution never truly pauses.


Devastating Toll

The health toll is devastating. Delhi’s air now injures lungs with the efficiency of tobacco smoke. Asthma, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease and heart ailments surge each winter. In October 2025, three out of four households reported illness; nearly half sought medical care. The brain suffers too. Fine particulates are increasingly linked to dementia, anxiety, depression and psychosis. Hospitals have recorded sharp rises in neurological and psychiatric admissions, underlining how pollution erodes both body and mind.


The economic cost is just as grim. In 2019 alone, Delhi lost $5.6 billion - about 6 percent of its GDP - to pollution-related damage. Nationwide losses approach $37 billion annually. During severe smog episodes, hospital admissions jump by up to 100 percent. Workplace productivity drops by nearly a third. Tourism falls by half. Construction slows, commerce falters and outdoor labour retreats indoors.


Delhi’s chief defensive weapon, the Graded Response Action Plan (GRAP), introduced in 2016, triggers restrictions based on pollution levels. It does save lives and trims AQI by modest margins. But it is a mere seasonal fire extinguisher. Other initiatives like the Metro’s expansion, cleaner fuel standards and mechanised dust sweeping have produced measurable but fragile gains, repeatedly overwhelmed by urban growth.


High-profile gestures have fared no better. Smog towers purify tiny islands of air at immense cost. Odd-even traffic rules reshuffle journeys without shrinking vehicle numbers. Cloud seeding experiments were quietly shelved. School closures merely shift exposure indoors. Firecracker bans repeatedly collapse against cultural resistance, compounded by inconsistent enforcement and political equivocation.


Delhi’s crisis persists because governance remains fragmented and pollution largely migratory: nearly two-thirds of toxic load drifts in from outside the city. Planning remains silenced by political timidity and citizens have normalised ‘pollution season’ as an unfortunate but inevitable ritual.


What is required is ruthless enforcement, removal of end-of-life vehicles, mandatory scrubbers on all regional coal plants. Over the long run, polycentric urban planning with green corridors, stubble-free farming and biomass-free heating is needed. None of this will work without political courage and citizen restraint.


Delhi was once a pioneer in clean transport. Today it stands as a cautionary tale of unchecked urbanisation and uneven enforcement. India’s ambition of becoming a “Viksit Bharat” will remain hollow if its capital cannot breathe.


(The author is a Chartered Accountant with a leading company in Mumbai. Views personal.)

Comments


bottom of page