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By:

Naresh Kamath

5 November 2024 at 5:30:38 am

Battle royale at Prabhadevi-Mahim belt

Amidst cut-throat competition, five seats up for grabs Mumbai: South Central Mumbai’s Prabhadevi-Mahim belt, an epicentre of Mumbai’s politics, promises a cut-throat competition as the two combines – Mahayuti and the Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) combine – sweat it out in the upcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) polls. It is the same ward where Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray used to address mammoth rallies at Shivaji Park and also the residence of MNS chief...

Battle royale at Prabhadevi-Mahim belt

Amidst cut-throat competition, five seats up for grabs Mumbai: South Central Mumbai’s Prabhadevi-Mahim belt, an epicentre of Mumbai’s politics, promises a cut-throat competition as the two combines – Mahayuti and the Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) combine – sweat it out in the upcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) polls. It is the same ward where Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray used to address mammoth rallies at Shivaji Park and also the residence of MNS chief Raj Thackeray. This belt has five wards and boasts of famous landmarks like the Siddhivinayak temple, Mahim Dargah and Mahim Church, and Chaityabhoomi, along with the Sena Bhavan, the headquarters of Shiv Sena (UBT) combine. This belt is dominated by the Maharashtrians, and hence the Shiv Sena (UBT)-MNS has been vocal about upholding the Marathi pride. This narrative is being challenged by Shiv Sena (Shinde) leader Sada Sarvankar, who is at the front. In fact, Sada has fielded both his children Samadhan and Priya, from two of these five wards. Take the case of Ward number 192, where the MNS has fielded Yeshwant Killedar, who was the first MNS candidate announced by its chief, Raj Thackeray. This announcement created a controversy as former Shiv Sena (UBT) corporator Priti Patankar overnight jumped to the Eknath Shinde camp and secured a ticket. This raised heckles among the existing Shiv Sena (Shinde) loyalists who raised objections. “We worked hard for the party for years, and here Priti has been thrust on us. My name was considered till the last moment, and overnight everything changed,” rued Kunal Wadekar, a Sada Sarvankar loyalist. ‘Dadar Neglected’ Killedar said that Dadar has been neglected for years. “The people in chawls don’t get proper water supply, and traffic is in doldrums,” said Killadar. Ward number 191 Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Vishaka Raut, former Mumbai mayor, is locked in a tough fight against Priya Sarvankar, who is fighting on the Shiv Sena (Shinde) ticket. Priya’s brother Samadhan is fighting for his second term from neighbouring ward 194 against Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Nishikant Shinde. Nishikant is the brother of legislator Sunil Shinde, a popular figure in this belt who vacated his Worli seat to accommodate Sena leader Aaditya Thackeray. Sada Sarvankar exudes confidence that both his children will be victorious. “Samadhan has served the people with all his dedication so much that he put his life at stake during the Covid-19 epidemic,” said Sada. “Priya has worked very hard for years and has secured this seat on merit. She will win, as people want a fresh face who will redress their grievances, as Vishaka Raut has been ineffective,” he added. He says the Mahayuti will Ward number 190 is the only ward where the BJP was the winner last term (2017) in this area, and the party has once nominated its candidate, Sheetal Gambhir Desai. Sheetal is being challenged by Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Vaishali Patankar. Sheetal vouches for the BJP, saying it’s time to replace the Shiv Sena (UBT) from the BMC. “They did nothing in the last 25 years, and people should now give a chance to the BJP,” said Sheetal. Incidentally, Sheetal is the daughter of Suresh Gambhir, a hardcore Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray loyalist, who has been a Mahim legislator for 4 terms and even won the 1985 BMC with the highest margin in Mumbai. In the neighbouring ward number 182, Shiv Sena (UBT) has given a ticket to former mayor and veteran corporator Milind Vaidya. He is being challenged by BJP candidate Rajan Parkar. Like the rest of Mumbai, this belt is also plagued by inadequate infrastructure to support the large-scale redevelopment projects. The traffic is in the doldrums, especially due to the closure of the Elphinstone bridge. There are thousands of old buildings and chawls which are in an extremely dilapidated state. The belt is significant, as top leaders like Manohar Joshi, Diwakar Raote and Suresh Gambhir have dominated local politics for years. In fact, Shiv Sena party’s first Chief Minister, Manohar Joshi, hailed from this belt.

Detained Without Trial

India’s justice system, hobbled by delay and weak legal aid, has worryingly transformed procedure into a tool of prolonged imprisonment.

Forget about ‘celebrity’ cases like Umar Khalid, Sharjeel Imam, Gulfisha Fatima and Shifa-ur-Rehman who are reportedly imprisoned without a charge-sheet or presentation in court for years together. They are only the most visible edge of a far larger failure. Nearly 70 percent of India’s prison population consists of undertrials, many of whom have spent years behind bars without conviction, and often without a completed charge-sheet.


The Indian law statutes state that individuals cannot be held indefinitely without a formal charge. The specific time limits vary from country to country and failure to file a charge sheet within the statutory period often entitles the accused to default bail.


The criminal justice system in our country is based on two principles. (a) Any person arrested is presumed to be innocent unless proven guilty and (b) It is the duty of the state and the court to see that justice is done to the people and the victim. To achieve these principles, the process of investigation and trial should be completed without any delay. But these are not fulfilled and undertrial keep languishing in jail for years. International law draws a clear line against arbitrary detention.


From the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the rules are blunt: detainees must be told promptly why they have been arrested, produced quickly before a judge, and cannot be held endlessly without charge. After a prescribed period, they acquire an ‘indefeasible’ right to bail.


Rights Ignored

India’s own law broadly mirrors these guarantees. Police custody cannot exceed 24 hours without judicial approval and is capped at 15 days. The state must file a charge-sheet within 60 or 90 days, failing which default bail applies. Only preventive-detention laws stretch this further. Yet undertrials continue to languish in jail for years in quiet defiance of both constitutional promise and international norm.


The poor find it difficult to furnish bail even without sureties because the amount fixed by the court is so excessive. Hence in many cases, the poor are unable to satisfy the police or the court about their solvency for the amount of the bail, and where the bail is with sureties as is in most cases, it becomes an impossible task for the poor to find persons sufficiently solvent to stand as sureties. [‘Justice Under Trial - A Study of Pre-Trial Detention in India’, Amnesty International, 5(2017)]


Article 21 protects prisoners from cruel treatment and torture. Additionally, it guarantees inmates prompt trials. Article 22: In addition to having the right to counsel and legal representation from any attorney of their choosing, a detained individual must be quickly informed of the grounds behind his/her arrest.


Missing Counsel

A recent study of two central prisons in Pune and Nagpur offers a bleak snapshot. Between 2019 and 2024, forty-one percent of inmates had no access to a lawyer; among undertrials, only eight percent received legal representation. More than half had no basic documents relating to their own cases. Scale this across India, and the pattern is unlikely to improve.


West Bengal sits near the top of this grim league table. According to the National Legal Services Authority, roughly seventy-eight percent of its prisoners are undertrials. Its jails are dangerously overcrowded and unsanitary. Much of this congestion is artificial: many inmates might never have remained behind bars had free legal aid functioned as intended. Instead, those not convicted are forced to survive for years in the same suffocating spaces as hardened criminals.


According to Articles 21 and 39(2) of the Indian Constitution, no one should be deprived of a fair trial and this would lead to equality before the law on the one hand and a safeguarding of the Constitution. This marks a democratic step toward equality of all under the law.


Yet, if one pays attention to the social background of these undertrials, one can understand why these undertrials can hardly get justice. 77 percent of those imprisoned never completed their schooling, most of them belong to low castes or are Dalits. Most of them are not even aware that they can get legal aid free of cost. And tragically, the family and relatives of those jailed have cut off all connections with them.


More than 50 percent of these undertrials are victims of some physical and mental disability or disease and most of the mental issues are traced back to being forced to live in overcrowded, dirty cells, and suffer physical and mental torture by the prison staff. Accepting torture as the main cause for mental problems, the Calcutta High Court last year had ordered that all prisoners be provided with a specialist counsellor, or a special nurse or trained social worker within 24 hours of imprisonment. But the question is how can these counsellors be appointed to counsel them? How many will agree to give free or low-cost service? How will the infra-structure be created? And lastly, how will the costs for the infra-structure be sourced and covered?


Justice is not limited to bringing a case in court. The basic principle of bringing an undertrial to court is to prove that any and all undertrials have the right to protection under the law and that it is not any act of philanthropy by the state or central administration.


Most undertrials are not even aware that they have this right. They are not made aware of their legal rights i.e. the right to free legal aid, the right to get the legal practitioner of their choice, the right to bail, etc. And are those manning the legal and judiciary system aware of this right? Or, is it easier for them to look the other way?


(The author is a noted film scholar who writes extensively on social issues. She is a double-winner for the National Award for Best Writing on Cinema. Views personal.)

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