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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive...

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive milestone in a political journey spanning more than three and half decades. Over the years, his political journey traversed multiple parties, including the Congress, Samata Party, Rashtriya Janata Dal, Janata Dal (United), and Hindustani Awam Morcha. His name did surface in a high-profile criminal case in 1995, though he was later acquitted due to lack of evidence. Samrat Choudhary's mother Parvati Devi was also politically active and was elected as an MLA from Tarapur in a 1998 by-election. Among his siblings, Rohit Choudhary is associated with the JD(U) and is active in the education sector, while Dharmendra Choudhary is engaged in social work. His wife, Mamta Kumari, has also been actively involved during election campaigns. The family includes a son Pranay and a daughter Charu Priya. Choudhary entered active politics in 1990, beginning his career with the RJD. In 1999, he became Agriculture Minister in the Rabri Devi government, though his appointment was mired in controversy over his age, eventually forcing him to step down. He later parted ways with the RJD, moved to the JD(U), and ultimately joined the BJP. Since 2018, his stature within the BJP has steadily grown, culminating in his appointment as the party's Bihar state president in 2022. Controversy Man With the beginning of his new innings in the BJP, Choudhary once again found himself in the spotlight, this time over questions surrounding his educational qualifications. Allegations regarding the validity of the degree mentioned in his election affidavit became part of political discourse. The opposition, particularly Prashant Kishor, raised the issue forcefully during the elections. However, the controversy failed to gain substantive traction and remained confined to political rhetoric, with no significant impact on electoral outcomes. Hailing from the Tarapur region of Munger district, Choudhary's identity is deeply rooted in this region. Historically influential, the region has provided a strong social and political base for both him and his family. Belonging to the Kushwaha (Koeri) community, he represents a crucial social base in Bihar's caste equations. This makes his role significant in the 'Lav-Kush' (Kurmi-Koeri) political dynamic that has shaped the state's politics for decades. Sharp Turns Choudhary's political journey has been marked by sharp turns and contradictions. At one stage, he was among the fiercest critics of Nitish Kumar, even declaring that he would not remove his traditional 'Muraitha' (a kind of turban) until Kumar was unseated from power. Yet, as political equations shifted, Choudhary not only consolidated his position within the BJP but also emerged as a key figure in power-sharing arrangements with Nitish Kumar. After 2020, when Sushil Kumar Modi was moved to national politics, new opportunities opened up for Choudhary. He became a member of the Legislative Council, later served as Leader of the Opposition, and eventually rose to become state president. His political stature further expanded when, following Nitish Kumar's return to the NDA, Choudhary was entrusted with the dual roles of Deputy Chief Minister and Home Minister, which is an unprecedented move in Bihar's political framework. Despite his rise, controversies have not been entirely absent from his career. Questions regarding his age and educational qualifications surfaced intermittently, though their long-term political impact remained limited. Today, Samrat Choudhary stands at the center of Bihar's political stage. His ascent is not merely the result of personal ambition but the outcome of a deep political legacy, an understanding of social dynamics, and strong organisational acumen. The real test now lies in how he transforms this legacy into effective governance and development. Strengthening law and order and meeting public expectations will be crucial. The people of Bihar are watching closely, and only time will determine how successfully he rises to the occasion.

Drama on Two Fronts

When Parliament starts sounding like prime time, even the soap opera feels more sensible.

On July 29, India bore witness to two spectacles - one inside Parliament and the other on prime-time television.  One was a high-stakes debate on Operation Sindoor; the other, a reboot of the iconic ‘Kyunki Saas Bhi Kabhi Bahu Thi.’ Though ostensibly worlds apart, they mirrored each other in ways that were both uncanny and unsettling.

 

Let’s start with the Parliament. What was meant to be a serious national security discussion quickly devolved into political karaoke with everyone singing their own tune, entirely out of sync. The opposition demanded the government label Donald Trump a ‘liar,’ which, last anyone checked, is not standard protocol in counter-terror strategy. It is unclear whether they believed this would rally global condemnation or just rack up retweets. Either way, it was a request so baffling that it made one long for the relative sanity of TV melodrama.

 

Then came the familiar grievance: “No country condemned Pakistan!” True. What they did condemn, with machine-like precision, was terrorism. The opposition seemed to take this as a slight - as if the global diplomatic community had sent India to sit in the naughty corner with Pakistan. It is a logic spiral that would make a daytime soap proud: “If you didn't say exactly what I wanted, you must be against me.”

 

The ruling party, refused to be outdone, fired back with its own greatest hits. Nehru and Indira Gandhi made surprise posthumous appearances, Sonia Gandhi’s personal anguish was paraded about, and the ghosts of Congress's past were summoned to settle present scores. The Prime Minister, always a compelling speaker, chose pathos and sarcasm over clarity, and we got yet another round of “Back then, we were weak; now, we’re winning.”

 

Meanwhile, on the other end of the spectrum, Kyunki Saas Bhi Kabhi Bahu Thi made its grand return. Tulsi Virani, still emotionally resilient and inexplicably ageless, glided across screens, resurrecting the same family tensions that first aired in the early 2000s. Smriti Irani’s character might now be a national memory, but the show remains firmly rooted in its DNA.

At least the soap opera does not pretend to be a governing body.

 

Both events trafficked in nostalgia. Both clung to old storylines like a security blanket. And both featured people switching sides with astonishing speed, be it in political alliances or family feuds. There is a certain irony in watching leaders berate each other for things done decades ago while forgetting they have often sat on both sides of the aisle. It's like watching a TV family where every argument begins with “You always hated me since 1998,” and ends with a group hug no one believes.

 

What is truly galling is the performative nature of it all. The Parliament debate had the choreography of a prime-time serial: strategic pauses, impassioned monologues, dramatic interruptions and a final flourish that left viewers exhausted but unenlightened. There were no answers about the strategy behind Operation Sindoor, no clarity about long-term objectives, and indeed no cross-party unity - just rhetoric, recycled and reheated.

 

The rebooted Kyunki, for all its dramatic indulgences, at least knows what it is. It is not pretending to solve national issues. It is not trying to defend border policy with decade-old grudges. It does not expect the viewer to believe that emotional outbursts are evidence. And unlike Parliament, it stays on script.

 

Well, will it actually stay on script? After all, Tulsi is now played once again by Smriti Irani, who these days is better known for her role in national politics and unwavering support of the Prime Minister than her TV stardom. She does not just do monologues on screen anymore; she has delivered them in Parliament with just as much conviction. So, it is fair to wonder if Kyunki stick to family drama, or sneak in a little ideology along the way? If a few “Jai Shri Ram” moments start echoing between emotional confrontations and kitchen showdowns, do not be too surprised. This reboot could well be rehearsing a new kind of message.

 

Perhaps our lawmakers could take a cue from television after all: stick to the story, do not drag in unnecessary plotlines, and above all, remember your audience.  

 

July 29 gave us two shows, one on prime time and the other aired in Parliament. The former tried to repackage nostalgia for entertainment. The latter, quite alarmingly, tried to pass entertainment off as governance.

 

You be the judge of which one did it better.


(The author is a learning and development professional. Views personal.)

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