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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Educated Muslims being hounded: Owaisi

Mumbai: AIMIM President Asaduddin Owaisi has flayed what he termed as a ‘media trial’ in the alleged TCS Nashik conversion case and claimed that educated Muslims youth are being deliberately targeted as part of planned ‘hate campaign’, here on Saturday. Reiterating full faith in the judicial process, Owaisi said that justice cannot be handed out through media narratives or television debates and the law must be allowed to take its own course. “We are seeing a very dangerous trend… Now,...

Educated Muslims being hounded: Owaisi

Mumbai: AIMIM President Asaduddin Owaisi has flayed what he termed as a ‘media trial’ in the alleged TCS Nashik conversion case and claimed that educated Muslims youth are being deliberately targeted as part of planned ‘hate campaign’, here on Saturday. Reiterating full faith in the judicial process, Owaisi said that justice cannot be handed out through media narratives or television debates and the law must be allowed to take its own course. “We are seeing a very dangerous trend… Now, educated Muslims are being picked out for orchestrated allegations and media campaigns. This doesn’t augur well for society and justice itself with the media playing the role of the judge and jury,” said Owaisi sharply. Flanked by the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen state President Imtiaz Jaleel, Owaisi also emphatically said that it was wrong to link his party with the TCS case prime accused Nida Khan, “who will be ultimately proven innocent in the courts”. He expressed concerns over the slur campaign driven by malice and political motives against his party as well as Nida Khan in some sections of the media even before the investigations were completed or a judicial scrutiny. “Merely because some allegations have been hurled at a young woman professional, attempts are being made to paint her ‘guilty’ through media trials, even before judicial scrutiny. But, we have complete faith in the judiciary and are confident that the court will eventually exonerate her,” asserted Owaisi. Public Discourse Raising questions on the probe and accompanying public discourse with stress on the alleged recovery of certain ‘evidence’ from Nida Khan’s home, he sharply questioned: “Since when have a burqa, a niqab or religious literature become objectionable… Is wearing a hijab now regarded as evidence of a crime?” He said that these details along with baseless allegations are sensationalism in the media to create further prejudice against the minority community and reflected a deep-rooted hostility aimed at harassing educated Muslim men and women. Owaisi pointed out that a complaint in the TCS Nashik case was filed by a leader linked with the ruling party, and as per the software giant’s statement, Nida Khan was not with its HR Department and transferred even before the controversy erupted, contradicting several media reports. Of the nine cases lodged in the matter till date, in one case, she was accused of hurting religious sentiments, but nobody can comment on it before the court pronounces its verdict, he pointed out. Court Fight Dismissing attempts to drag and link the AIMIM into the row, he referred to a party Municipal Corporator Matin Patel who was booked merely on the basis of certain allegations and vowed to contest the matter in the court. Here Owaisi cited multiple examples of educated Muslims being scrutinised – including in Delhi when some educated youths were arrested for possessing a book by the legendary Urdu poet Mirza Ghalib and they were later released. There was another one from Allahabad where some Muslim boys were targeted for writing an Urdu ‘sher’ (couplet) prompting judicial intervention, and predicted that even in the Nashik TCS case, the truth will ultimately prevail as no criminal charges against Nida Khan may stand. AIMIM to set up voter help-desks AIMIM President and Hyderabad MP, Asaduddin Owaisi said his party is developing a digital application containing electoral records of all 288 Assembly constituencies in Maharashtra for 2002-2024, to help voters in the SIR process. For this, the AIMIM will set up help desk centers in its strongholds to facilitate the process and ensure proper utilisation of voter data. Alleging discrepancies in electoral records, he said such errors create huge problems for the voters, especially the poor or illiterates. Owaisi mentioned how of the nearly 27 lakh names placed in the adjudication list in West Bengal, “90 pc were poor Muslims.” These centers would be open for all Muslims, Buddhists, Christians, Dalits, Adivasis and the general public needing assistance with the electoral records.

Engineered Unrest

The latest bout of violence in Noida no mere story of labour unrest spiralling out of control but bears the more troubling imprint of Pakistani orchestration. The rapid mobilisation, coordinated messaging and the tell-tale fingerprints of networks is symptomatic of a deeper malaise which is Pakistan’s persistent reliance on covert destabilisation as an instrument of statecraft.


Protesters were mobilised overnight through WhatsApp groups, recruited via QR codes and fed a steady stream of incendiary content. As the demonstrations escalated, parallel coordination appeared on Instagram.


Indian agencies are right to probe the possibility of external instigation, particularly in light of recent arrests in Meerut and Noida that point to handlers across the border. The timing is also suggestive. With the anniversary of the April 22 Pahalgam attack fast approaching, one has to be vigilant about Pakistan-sponsored terrorism within India. The unravelling of a terror module linked to Lashkar-e-Taiba in February underscores the point. Operating across Delhi, West Bengal and Tamil Nadu, the network was not engaged in spectacular violence but in something subtler and arguably more insidious. Pasting anti-national posters, conducting reconnaissance and building sleeper capabilities, it sought to erode confidence and foment discord. Directed by handlers based in Bangladesh but tied to Pakistan’s security ecosystem, the module exemplifies the diffusion of proxy warfare into new geographies and methods.


For decades, Pakistan’s security establishment has relied on non-state actors to offset India’s conventional superiority. What has changed is the toolkit. Where once infiltration across borders and high-profile attacks dominated, there is now a discernible shift towards hybrid tactics in form of digital mobilisation, psychological operations and the seeding of unrest within civilian spaces. The objective is to keep India internally preoccupied and externally constrained.


The use of Bangladesh as an operational rear base is particularly telling. It allows plausible deniability while expanding the theatre of activity. Figures such as Shabbir Ahmed Lone, with a history of militancy and renewed links to Lashkar leadership, illustrate how old networks are repurposed for contemporary needs. The distinction between state and proxy in Pakistan’s security doctrine has always been deliberately blurred. That some of these networks now operate through third countries or digital platforms does not absolve their original patrons of responsibility. The consequences are corrosive. Episodes like the Noida unrest disrupt economic activity, strain communal relations and test the capacity of local authorities. For India, which is aspiring to sustained economic growth and social cohesion, such disruptions are not trivial irritants but structural threats. What is required is a response that is both firm and sophisticated. Policing must adapt to the realities of digital mobilisation, with greater emphasis on real-time intelligence and platform accountability. Pakistan’s addiction to proxy warfare has already rebounded internally, fuelling extremism within its own borders. To persist with such tactics in an era of heightened surveillance and interdependence is not merely reckless; it is self-defeating. Yet the pattern endures.

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