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By:

Rahul Gokhale

28 November 2025 at 12:38:16 pm

Anchoring India’s Resilient Future

For nearly half a decade, the global geopolitical landscape has been stuck in a state of permanent turbulence. The protracted war in Ukraine, the protectionist tariff regimes of the Trump presidency, and the volatile escalation of hostilities between the United States, Israel, and Iran are no longer distant regional frictions. Their tremors have rewritten the global order and weaponized transnational supply chains. In today’s splintered global order, nations are ruthlessly prioritising...

Anchoring India’s Resilient Future

For nearly half a decade, the global geopolitical landscape has been stuck in a state of permanent turbulence. The protracted war in Ukraine, the protectionist tariff regimes of the Trump presidency, and the volatile escalation of hostilities between the United States, Israel, and Iran are no longer distant regional frictions. Their tremors have rewritten the global order and weaponized transnational supply chains. In today’s splintered global order, nations are ruthlessly prioritising domestic stability and resource security over collective international arrangements. India is no exception. It is against this volatile backdrop that Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent five-nation tour must be judged. The Gulf Realignment In an era dictated by the imperatives of energy transition, diversifying energy baskets is no longer a policy choice but a structural necessity. This explains the deliberate inclusion of both the UAE and Norway in the Prime Minister’s itinerary. But viewing the UAE purely through the narrow prism of crude oil reserves is to miss the deeper, more volatile geopolitical undercurrents reshaping the Gulf. The visit coincided with a historic inflection point in Gulf geopolitics: the UAE’s decision to exit OPEC. But the landscape has altered radically. With the rise of US shale production, OPEC’s market share has sharply declined. The UAE’s calculations are driven less by Washington and more by deep-seated friction with Saudi Arabia. Abu Dhabi had grown weary of Riyadh’s de facto dominance within OPEC, which stifled its capacity to expand independent production. In breaking away, the UAE has de-linked its energy policy from cartel politics. This regional realignment is also playing out in geo-economics: Abu Dhabi’s abrupt demand for Pakistan to repay a $3.2 billion loan - prompting a Saudi bailout - underscores the growing strategic distance between the two Gulf giants. Prime Minister Modi’s visit seeks to navigate these very fault lines to secure India’s long-term economic interests. For New Delhi, a decoupled UAE presents a unique window of opportunity. As Abu Dhabi scales up production outside the constraints of a cartel, it requires guaranteed, high-capacity markets and India offers the perfect economic counterparty to secure supplies at highly competitive rates. This visit marks Prime Minister Modi’s eighth tour of the UAE since 2015. The relationship has been institutionalised through the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Agreement and the CEPA trade pact. While trade and investments dominated the public narrative, the true breakthrough of this visit lay in a profound restructuring of defence and energy infrastructure. The economic dividends of this relationship are already formidable. Bilateral trade has crossed $100 billion, while the UAE has emerged as a major foreign investor in India. Concurrently, the strategic landscape received an upgrade and the energy architecture was fundamentally re-risked. Last year, India imported 11 per cent of its crude requirements from the UAE. To insulate this vital supply chain from the perennial volatility of the Strait of Hormuz, Abu Dhabi is doubling its export capacity by 2027 via an additional pipeline to the port of Fujairah, enabling Indian vessels to bypass the choke point entirely. This is reinforced by ADNOC’s commitment to scale up its crude reserves within Indian facilities, effectively expanding India’s strategic petroleum reserves by roughly 70 per cent and providing New Delhi a cost-free cushion during global crises. Bolstering this maritime-industrial alignment is a new MoU to establish a $5-billion ship repair cluster at Vadinar, Gujarat. From Space to Semiconductor Sovereignty If the Gulf leg of the tour was about reinforcing traditional energy security, the tour of the Nordic nations looked firmly toward the future. In an era where the geopolitical premium is shifting from fossil fuels to green technology, artificial intelligence, and semiconductor supply chains, the Nordic states offer critical technological partnerships. New Delhi’s engagement with these nations has evolved beyond standard trade into high-tech collaborative frameworks. The Prime Minister’s participation in the India-Nordic Summit, which had been delayed following the security situation post the Pahalgam attack, underscores this shift. By visiting Norway, a major non-Gulf oil and natural gas exporter, the Prime Minister strategically diversified India’s energy dependency away from volatile West Asia supply chains while securing a long-term resource anchor under the newly implemented India-EFTA trade pact. New Delhi’s outreach to Stockholm and Amsterdam yielded high-value strategic dividends that seamlessly bridged space exploration, deep tech, and critical infrastructure. In Sweden, this materialized through a landmark collaboration between ISRO and the Swedish Institute of Space Physics for India’s upcoming Shukrayan Venus mission. This trust extends to hard security; following the exclusion of Chinese vendors from Sweden’s telecom networks, India has emerged as a reliable digital partner, while Swedish defence giant SAAB is already establishing India’s first 100 per cent FDI ‘Carl Gustav’ weapon manufacturing facility in Haryana. Meanwhile, the Netherlands leg masterfully balanced the cultural diplomacy of a returned Chola-era copper plate from Leiden University with hard-nosed techno-politics. The crown jewel of this engagement was Tata Electronics signing a pivotal agreement with ASML, the Dutch multinational holding a virtual global monopoly on advanced semiconductor photolithography. As Tata builds its $11-billion premier chip fabrication plant in Dholera, Gujarat, this alignment marks a major victory in India’s quest for semiconductor sovereignty amidst the intensifying US-China tech war. Against a backdrop of rising global volatility, Modi and his Italian counterpart Giorgia Meloni held comprehensive talks, elevating India-Italy relations to a Special Strategic Partnership. Alongside establishing a new defence industrial roadmap, the two nations committed to driving annual bilateral trade to €20 billion by 2029. Terrestrial Blueprint Modi’s visit to the iconic 32-kilometre-long Afsluitdijk dam underscores New Delhi’s intent to deploy Dutch water management expertise to de-risk its own ambitious Kalpsar project in Gujarat’s Gulf of Khambhat. Envisaged as a mega-scale, Rs. 85,000 to 90,000-crore coastal reservoir, the Kalpsar project aims to construct a 30-kilometre dam to establish a massive freshwater lake, combat critical land salinity, and pioneer tidal power generation. In a fractured world order where reliability is the ultimate currency, India has successfully positioned itself not just as a defensive actor safeguarding its immediate needs, but as a resilient, self-reliant pole in the emerging global architecture. (The writer is a political commentator. Views personal.)

Excavating Civilisation: A.S. Altekar and India’s Ancient Historical Imagination

In the decades after Independence, India’s past was often narrated through a narrow lens. As a result, many of the country’s finest historians, once influential, slipped into obscurity. This series revisits their lives and works to show how these keepers of Clio shaped the way Indians understood themselves.


Part 1 :


The venerable scholar of Ancient India decoded our past with spade, coin and manuscript before ideology buried much of it.


Anant Sadashiv Altekar had the air of a man who was happiest with dust under his fingernails. Whether bent over an excavation trench in Bihar’s summer heat or weighing Gupta gold coins, he exuded the patient determination of a scholar committed to the evidence before him. In the mid-20th century, before India’s historical discourse calcified into hardened ideological camps, Altekar’s blend of archaeology, numismatics and textual scholarship produced histories that were both rigorously empirical and attentive to India’s civilisational depth.


Born in 1898 in Mhakave, a village in Maharashtra’s Kolhapur district, Altekar came of age when Indian nationalism was just finding its voice and the tools of modern historiography were only beginning to be applied to the subcontinent’s past. Educated at Pune’s Deccan College and later occupying prestigious chairs at the Banaras Hindu University and the Patna University, he straddled the transition from colonial scholarship to independent India’s historical self-fashioning.


His scholarship clung to a deceptively simple ideal that the past should be allowed to speak for itself. And that past spoke to him in the most tangible ways. In 1936, while excavating at Kotah in Rajasthan, Altekar uncovered a pair of stone pillars inscribed in the Vikrama era year 295 (AD 238), among the oldest such inscriptions known. Two decades later, at Kumhrar in Patna, he confirmed earlier theories that the site was once a Mauryan complex supported by massive stone columns - an architectural feat matching anything in the Hellenistic world. But it was at Vaishali in 1958 that Altekar made perhaps his most evocative find of a soapstone casket said to contain the relics of the Buddha, now on display in the Patna Museum.


If the earth yielded treasures to Altekar, so did the soil of rural fields. In 1946, villagers near Bayana in Rajasthan stumbled upon a buried hoard of over 1,800 gold coins from the Gupta period.


Altekar, by then the foremost authority on ancient Indian coinage, catalogued the find in loving detail. The Bayana Hoard remains one of the richest single sources for understanding Gupta iconography, political reach and economic sophistication. It was no accident that in 1947 he became the first chairman of the Numismatic Society of India. Coins for him were not inert relics but voices from the past that spoke of kingship, religion and trade in Ancient India.


His textual output was as impressive as his fieldwork. Altekar’s ‘Education in Ancient India’ (1934) was an ambitious survey of the subcontinent’s educational systems from Vedic times to the eve of the Delhi Sultanate. Drawing on Sanskrit and Pali inscriptions and accounts of foreign travellers, Altekar reconstructed a world in which centres like Nalanda and Takshashila flourished, yet he also controversially argued that literacy and institutional learning declined in the later medieval period. Critics such as German Indologist Hartmut Scharfe would later dismiss this, but even his detractors grudgingly acknowledged Altekar’s marshalling of an unprecedented range of sources.


More enduring still was Altekar’s ‘The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization’ (1938), the first sweeping attempt to track the status of women in ancient times.


Decades before ‘gender history’ became a formal field, it was Altekar who traced shifts in property rights, marriage customs and education. His complex conclusions were neither a romanticisation of the past nor a simple tale of decline. While he noted constraints tightening in certain periods, he also pointed to examples of female agency in religion, politics and literature. Given today’s increasingly caricaturish debates, Altekar’s erudite treatment offers a reminder that history rarely conforms to activist slogans.


A late classic was ‘State and Government in Ancient India’ (1949) - a meticulous study of political ideas and institutions as gleaned from the Arthashastra, the Dharmashastras and epigraphic records. The book treated ancient Indian polities not as exotic curiosities but as advanced systems with fiscal regimes and foreign policy. Altekar resisted the reductive models that Marxist historians wherein class conflict alone drove political change.


Instead, he treated political culture as a product of both material and ideational forces with religion, law, warfare and diplomacy each playing a part.


Perhaps Altekar’s most prescient work, given today’s culture wars over the Gyanvapi mosque–temple complex, was his ‘History of Benares: From the Earliest Times Down to 1937.’ It serves a fine introduction to Altekar’s oeuvre. This slim but dense chronicle, originally serialised in the Journal of the Benares Hindu University, traced Varanasi’s evolution from prehistoric settlement to a modern urban centre.


Unlike the sanitised narratives favoured by India’s mid-20th century Nehruvian historians, Altekar did not flinch from recording episodes of destruction alongside periods of renewal.


“Benares saw its turbulent phase during 1194 and 1707, with the advent of Muslim rule, prosperity of the city declined rapidly.” The period 1200–1550 was a dark one for Benares as temples were demolished on several occasions, especially by Sikandar Lodi when he conquered the city in 1494.


Altekar acknowledged the few moments of conciliation too. “With Akbar, the imperial policy changed… to a policy of toleration and Benares began to prosper again.” The magnificent Viswanatha temple were rebuilt by Todar Mal at the request of scholar Bhatta Narayana. Later, Shah Jahan’s eldest son, Dara Shikoh, anxious to find a meeting point for Hinduism and Islam, had summoned 150 sanyasis from Benares and translated principal Upanishads into Persian.


The city’s history experienced its darkest phase yet under Aurangzeb, whose reign initially did not disclose his policy of bitter hatred towards Hindus. However, secure after the death of his father, Aurangzeb, on April 9, 1669 issued the demolition of Hindu temples and schools zealously carried out by the governor. Visvanatha and Veni Madhava were pulled down. The Nehruvian era’s embrace of Marxian historiography left little room for Altekar’s brand of scholarship.


For anyone seeking to truthfully reconstruct India’s ancient past without the ideological filters of the late 20th century, Altekar’s work remains invaluable. His excavation reports are models of descriptive clarity while his numismatic studies offer forensic analysis that still underpins modern catalogues. His thematic surveys drawn from inscriptions, legal texts and foreign accounts are goldmines for comparative research.


To read Altekar today is to recover a style of scholarship that has largely vanished: interdisciplinary without being jargon-laden, nationalist without being chauvinist, empirical without lapsing into obscurantism. He saw the past as a treasury to be understood, not as a quarry for ideological stone-throwing.


The sheer scope of what he attempted is remarkable. Few historians today would dare to write a cradle-to-present survey of women’s history, or of education across two millennia, for fear of disciplinary sniping. Altekar did so because he believed Indian history could not be chopped into neat compartments.


Anant Sadashiv Altekar died in 1960, before the full force of Marxist historiography swept through Indian universities. He did not live to see his work pushed to the margins of syllabi.


As India once again debates its historical memory, Altekar’s works are exemplars that history need not be a zero-sum contest of ideologies. His career was spent piecing together fragments from many sources, allowing the multiplicity of India’s past to stand on its own terms. In doing so, he preserved a record that survives the tides of fashion in historical writing.

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