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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This...

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This development, confirmed by high-ranking party insiders, follows the realization that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) effectively ceded its claims on the Kalyan-Dombivali Municipal Corporation (KDMC) to protect the alliance, facilitating a “Mumbai for BJP, Kalyan for Shinde” power-sharing formula. The compromise marks a complete role reversal between the BJP and the Shiv Sena. Both the political parties were in alliance with each other for over 25 years before 2017 civic polls. Back then the BJP used to get the post of Deputy Mayor while the Shiv Sena always enjoyed the mayor’s position. In 2017 a surging BJP (82 seats) had paused its aggression to support the undivided Shiv Sena (84 seats), preferring to be out of power in the Corporation to keep the saffron alliance intact. Today, the numbers dictate a different reality. In the recently concluded elections BJP emerged as the single largest party in Mumbai with 89 seats, while the Shinde faction secured 29. Although the Shinde faction acted as the “kingmaker”—pushing the alliance past the majority mark of 114—the sheer numerical gap made their claim to the mayor’s post untenable in the long run. KDMC Factor The catalyst for this truce lies 40 kilometers north of Mumbai in Kalyan-Dombivali, a region considered the impregnable fortress of Eknath Shinde and his son, MP Shrikant Shinde. While the BJP performed exceptionally well in KDMC, winning 50 seats compared to the Shinde faction’s 53, the lotter for the reservation of mayor’s post in KDMC turned the tables decisively in favor of Shiv Sena there. In the lottery, the KDMC mayor’ post went to be reserved for the Scheduled Tribe candidate. The BJP doesn’t have any such candidate among elected corporatros in KDMC. This cleared the way for Shiv Sena. Also, the Shiv Sena tied hands with the MNS in the corporation effectively weakening the Shiv Sena (UBT)’s alliance with them. Party insiders suggest that once it became clear the BJP would not pursue the KDMC Mayor’s chair—effectively acknowledging it as Shinde’s fiefdom—he agreed to scale down his demands in the capital. “We have practically no hope of installing a BJP Mayor in Kalyan-Dombivali without shattering the alliance locally,” a Mumbai BJP secretary admitted and added, “Letting the KDMC become Shinde’s home turf is the price for securing the Mumbai Mayor’s bungalow for a BJP corporator for the first time in history.” The formal elections for the Mayoral posts are scheduled for later this month. While the opposition Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA)—led by the Shiv Sena (UBT)—has vowed to field candidates, the arithmetic heavily favors the ruling alliance. For Eknath Shinde, accepting the Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai is a tactical retreat. It allows him to consolidate his power in the MMR belt (Thane and Kalyan) while remaining a partner in Mumbai’s governance. For the BJP, this is a crowning moment; after playing second fiddle in the BMC for decades, they are poised to finally install their own “First Citizen” of Mumbai.

Fabricated Histories

Updated: Jan 13, 2025

The recent confession by journalist and activist Dilip Mandal that Fatima Sheikh, long celebrated as India’s first Muslim school teacher, was ostensibly a figment of his fertile imagination exposes the reckless disregard of certain ‘liberal’ intellectuals when it comes to constructing narratives and revising history. Mandal revealed how he fabricated her story, acknowledging that “Fatima Sheikh” was a myth crafted to serve political and ideological purposes. This startling disclosure highlights not just a manufactured persona but a disturbing tendency in India’s intellectual discourse: the deliberate manipulation of historical narratives to suit ideological agendas, often at the expense of truth.


Mandal’s confession is damning. He candidly explained how he created Sheikh’s identity, spinning tales and even fabricating sketches to sustain the illusion. For years, Sheikh has been presented as a colleague of social reformers Jyotiba and Savitribai Phule, championing the cause of girls’ education in British India. Yet, Mandal notes that her name was conspicuously absent from the writings of the Phules, Dr. Ambedkar and even British records of the time. Despite this, Sheikh was glorified as a feminist icon, with media outlets publishing laudatory articles and Google even commemorating her supposed 191st birthday with a doodle in 2022.


This calculated effort to fabricate a Muslim icon aligns with a broader trend among left-liberal intelligentsia to amplify narratives that resonate with their ideological leanings. Over decades, left-leaning historians, Marxists and ‘secularists’ have systematically rewritten India’s past, seeking to whitewash the brutalities of Islamic invasions while vilifying Hindu traditions. Institutions like Aligarh Muslim University have been at the forefront of such ‘correcting perspectives,’ often cloaking orthodox Muslim narratives in Communist rhetoric. The glorification of invaders like Mahmud of Ghazni and Aurangzeb as cultural patrons, while downplaying their atrocities, exemplifies this approach. The creation of Fatima Sheikh’s story is a modern parallel to these historical distortions.


Moreover, the insertion of fictitious characters like Sheikh into India’s historical narrative risks undermining genuine Muslim contributions to social reform. The enduring appeal of these fabricated narratives lies in their emotional resonance, particularly among liberal elites in India and abroad. Ironically, even after Mandal’s admission, some Hindus in the diaspora, particularly those in the tech and marketing fields in the United States, continue to cling to the myth of Fatima Sheikh. This refusal to acknowledge her ‘nonexistence’ reflects the seductive power of narratives that align with one’s worldview, irrespective of their veracity.


Mandal’s admission underscores the urgent need for intellectual honesty in interpreting history and constructing social narratives. Fabricated icons and distorted histories do not serve the cause of justice. The pursuit of truth must take precedence over the construction of convenient narratives, for only then can India truly embrace its pluralistic heritage.

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