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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 8:56:24 pm

‘Save Sharia’ campaign feeds Hindutva politics

Mumbai: Prominent Muslims and others have slammed the All India Muslim Personal Law Board’s ‘Save India, Save Sharia’ nationwide campaign, alleging that it could deepen polarization while willy-nilly supporting the very forces the AIMPLB claims to oppose. Launched on Sep. 17 – coinciding with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 76th birthday – the AIMPLB’s 3-month-long campaign is aimed at mobilizing public opinion around protecting the Constitutional rights, preserving the Muslim Personal Law...

‘Save Sharia’ campaign feeds Hindutva politics

Mumbai: Prominent Muslims and others have slammed the All India Muslim Personal Law Board’s ‘Save India, Save Sharia’ nationwide campaign, alleging that it could deepen polarization while willy-nilly supporting the very forces the AIMPLB claims to oppose. Launched on Sep. 17 – coinciding with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 76th birthday – the AIMPLB’s 3-month-long campaign is aimed at mobilizing public opinion around protecting the Constitutional rights, preserving the Muslim Personal Law within the framework of safeguarding India’s pluralistic and democratic character. The AIMPLB leaders said they are soliciting support of people, intellectuals, activists, social and religious organisations who value justice, democracy, peace and the Constitution, to strengthen constitutional supremacy, the rule of law, justice and equality, religious freedom, social harmony and national unity. Around 100 progressive Muslim and non-Muslim intellectuals, activists, organisations and supporters have warned that what the AIMPLB presents as a defence of constitutional rights, religious freedom and Muslim identity "could deepen divisions, and may provide political ammunition to right-wing forces". The progressive have accused AIMPLB of selectively invoking Art. 25-30 of the Constitution related to Religious Freedom, while ignoring that these rights are explicitly subject to public order, morality, and health. Moreover, they conveniently bypass Articles 14 and 15, which guarantee equality before the law and prohibit sex or religion-based discrimination. “Following the 2024 Lok Sabha elections where civil society and opposition parties rallied under 'Save the Constitution', the AIMPLB's campaign inadvertently gave the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Sangh Parivar a platform to posture as defenders of constitutional norms. Ahead of crucial state assembly elections, this campaign reinforces false narratives and fuels propaganda that Indian Muslims reject the law of the land,” said the intellectuals. They pointed out how the so-called ‘God-given Shariat Law’ in India is nothing but man-made personal laws and ‘male interpreted patriarchal interpretations’, defended by the AIMPLB. In its September 2016 Supreme Court affidavit in the Triple Talaq case (Sayara Bano v/s. Union of India), the AIMPLB’s affidavit claimed divorce rights belong primarily to husbands because men allegedly possess ‘greater power of decision-making’ and ‘control emotions’. It even argued that without a quick separation option, a husband ‘may resort to illegal, criminal ways of murdering or burning her alive’ - a disturbing rationalization of domestic violence. Claiming these laws are divine, the AIMPLB admitted that “India is a patriarchal society, and therefore personal laws of all communities are aligned with the patriarchal notion...” The progressives countered that Muslim-majority nations globally including Pakistan, Bangladesh, Tunisia and Morocco have codified and reformed personal laws to protect women's rights. “Millions of Muslims live in secular democratic nations with uniform family codes without putting ‘Islam in danger’. The Muslim community’s current legal predicament in India is the direct result of the AIMPLB and conservative leaders failing to proactively reform and codify Muslim Personal Law,” said the progressives sharply. They said that genuine family law reform must guarantee Muslim women equal rights regarding minimum marriage age, abolition of polygamy, mutual divorce, equal inheritance, child custody, adoption, and a ban on female genital mutilation and halala. While secular political parties rarely support the rights of Muslim women, the BJP and the Hindu Right wing do so with an obvious motive: ‘communal polarization’, said the progressives. “The sangh parivar sheds crocodile tears for Muslim women while ignoring relentless hate speech (Love Jihad, Land Jihad…) and hate crimes like mob lynching, bulldozing homes, demolishing mosques or economic boycotts, with chants of ‘Jai Shri Ram’ to intimidate and strike fear. This accompanies state actions targeting Muslims: Waqf Amendment Act, draconian anti-conversion laws, and a weaponised SIR (Special Intensive Revision of Electoral Rolls) to disenfranchise vast sections of the electorate,” they averred. The progressives have sought the active involvement of all enlightened forces, civil society organisations and secular political parties to ensure that the demand for a gender-just, religion-neutral Uniform Civil Code is rooted in equality and human rights, rather than weaponized for communal division. Among the signatories to the appeal are: Naseeruddin Shah, Amol Palekar, Zeenat Shaukat Ali, Anand Patwardhan, Sultan Shaheen, Teesta Setalvad, Ram Puniyani, Tushar Gandhi, Mallika Sarabhai, Ratna Pathak, Feroze Mithiborwala, Anita Cheria, Zakia Soman, Jyothi Yedulla, Noorjehan S. Niaz, Madhu Bhaduri, et al.

Fare Fortress

Jul 19
2 min read

The Maharashtra government’s decision to regulate school bus fares arrives couched in the language of safety, accountability and parental convenience. GPS tracking, CCTV access, panic buttons, digital attendance and fare oversight are all welcome measures. For years, parents have had little bargaining power against private school transport operators, who have often functioned in a regulatory grey zone.


But buried beneath the promise of reform lies a more uncomfortable question: will regulation protect parents, or merely formalise a lucrative business model?


School transport in Mumbai, as in other cities in the state, has evolved into a money-making machine. The bus ride has become an annual revenue stream. Parents are routinely charged full-year fees even though schools operate for barely nine or ten months after accounting for summer vacations, Diwali breaks, Christmas holidays, public holidays and examination periods. The vehicle may sit idle for weeks, but the meter, in effect, keeps running.


This peculiar arrangement would be unacceptable in almost any other sector. A commuter does not pay a railway season ticket when trains are not running. A tenant does not pay additional rent because a building remains accessible during holidays. A consumer does not pay a restaurant for meals that were never served. Yet school transport has created its own economic universe where absence of service does not necessarily mean absence of payment.


The new rules empower Regional Transport Authorities to fix a base fare per kilometre per student, with operators allowed only a limited deviation. That is a step towards transparency. But the larger issue remains unresolved: how will fares be calculated? Will authorities consider the actual number of operational school days, or will they simply legitimise the existing practice of charging families for twelve months?


The danger is that regulation could become a shield rather than a restraint. Once a government-approved fare structure exists, operators may gain a stronger justification for collections that have long been questioned by parents. A regulated monopoly is not necessarily a fair one.


Parents are not investors in a transport company. They are paying customers purchasing a specific service: carrying their children to and from school.


Schools, too, cannot escape scrutiny. Many institutions outsource transport but remain deeply involved in the ecosystem. If the new rules are serious about accountability, schools must disclose transport agreements, cost structures and the basis on which annual charges are calculated.


While safety reforms are overdue, it cannot become a convenient justification for unchecked costs. The government’s challenge is not merely to regulate buses. It must regulate the economics behind them. A school bus should be a public necessity, not a captive market where parents pay premium prices because they have no alternative. Families should pay for the service they receive, not for the months when the bus remains parked.

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