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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Gadchiroli SP declares Maoist menace ‘almost over’

Mumbai: In a resounding statement signalling a historic shift, Gadchiroli Superintendent of Police (SP) Neelotpal has declared the district, once the dark heart of the ‘Red Corridor,’ is on the verge of becoming completely free of the Naxal menace. The SP expressed absolute confidence in the complete eradication of the banned CPI (Maoist) presence, noting that the remaining cadres have dwindled to a mere handful. “There has been a sea change in the situation,” SP Neelotpal stated,...

Gadchiroli SP declares Maoist menace ‘almost over’

Mumbai: In a resounding statement signalling a historic shift, Gadchiroli Superintendent of Police (SP) Neelotpal has declared the district, once the dark heart of the ‘Red Corridor,’ is on the verge of becoming completely free of the Naxal menace. The SP expressed absolute confidence in the complete eradication of the banned CPI (Maoist) presence, noting that the remaining cadres have dwindled to a mere handful. “There has been a sea change in the situation,” SP Neelotpal stated, highlighting the dramatic turnaround. He revealed that from approximately 100 Maoist cadres on record in January 2024, the number has plummeted to barely 10 individuals whose movements are now confined to a very small pocket of the Bhamragad sub-division in South Gadchiroli, near the Chhattisgarh border. “North Gadchiroli is now free of Maoism. The Maoists have to surrender and join the mainstream or face police action... there is no other option.” The SP attributes this success to a meticulously executed multi-pronged strategy encompassing intensified anti-Maoist operations, a robust Civic Action Programme, and the effective utilisation of Maharashtra’s attractive surrender-cum-rehabilitation policy. The Gadchiroli Police, especially the elite C-60 commandos, have achieved significant operational milestones. In the last three years alone, they have neutralised 43 hardcore Maoists and achieved a 100 per cent success rate in operations without police casualties for nearly five years. SP Neelotpal highlighted that the security forces have aggressively moved to close the “security vacuum,” which was once an estimated 3,000 square kilometres of unpoliced territory used by Maoists for training and transit. The establishment of eight new police camps/Forward Operating Bases (FoBs) since January 2023, including in the remote Abujhmad foothills, has been crucial in securing these areas permanently. Winning Hearts, Minds The Civic Action Programme has been deemed a “game changer” by the SP. Through schemes like ‘Police Dadalora Khidaki’ and ‘Project Udaan’, the police have transformed remote outposts into service delivery centres, providing essential government services and employment opportunities. This sustained outreach has successfully countered Maoist propaganda and, most critically, resulted in zero Maoist recruitment from Gadchiroli for the last few years. Surrender Wave The state’s progressive rehabilitation policy has seen a massive influx of surrenders. “One sentiment is common among all the surrendered cadres: that the movement has ended, it has lost public support, and without public support, no movement can sustain,” the SP noted. The surrender of key figures, notably that of Mallojula Venugopal Rao alias ‘Bhupathi,’ a CPI (Maoist) Politburo member, and his wife Sangeeta, was a “landmark development” that triggered a surrender wave. Since June 2024, over 126 Maoists have surrendered. The rehabilitation program offers land, housing under the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana, and employment. Surrendered cadres are receiving skill training and are successfully transitioning into normal life, with around 70 already employed in the local Lloyds plant. A District Reborn The transformation of Gadchiroli is now moving beyond security concerns. With the decline of extremism, the district is rapidly moving towards development and normalcy. The implementation of development schemes, round-the-clock electricity, water supply, mobile towers, and new infrastructure like roads and bridges is being given top priority. He concludes that the police’s focus is now shifting from an anti-Maoist offensive to routine law-and-order policing, addressing new challenges like industrialisation, theft, and traffic management. With the Maoist movement in “complete disarray” and major strongholds like the Maharashtra-Madhya Pradesh-Chhattisgarh (MMC) Special Zone collapsing, the SP is highly optimistic. Gadchiroli is not just getting rid of the Naxal menace; it is embracing its future as a developing, peaceful district, well on track to meet the central government’s goal of eradicating Naxalism by March 31, 2026.

From Panipat’s Ashes: Peshwa Madhavrao and the Phoenix-like rise of the Maratha Empire

With scalpel-like precision, Dr. Uday S. Kulkarni revives the drama of one of Indian history’s greatest recoveries.

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The Marathas’ recovery after the carnage of Panipat in January 1761 is one of the great comeback stories of Indian history. An early centrepiece of that comeback is the Battle of Rakshasbhuvan, that was fought this month and was among the most psychologically consequential of all Maratha victories.


On August 10, 1763, on the flooded banks of the Godavari near Rakshasbhuvan, the 18-year-old Peshwa Madhavrao came into his own and recovered Maratha self-belief shattered on the plains of Panipat when he defeated the Nizam of Hyderabad.


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In his magisterial ‘The Mastery of Hindustan: triumphs and travails of Madhavrao Peshwa’ (2022), Dr. Uday S. Kulkarni tells the complex and little-understood story of how a young statesman steered the Maratha confederacy from the wreckage of Panipat towards a fragile but remarkable resurgence.


The Battle of Rakshasbhuvan, usually a footnote in histories of the Deccan and absent altogether from Delhi-centric narratives was in fact a hinge moment in 18th-century India and a contest that was as much about political legitimacy as it was about military supremacy.


It became the resurrection of a state that had staggered at the brink of annihilation, much like the Dutch Republic after the Spanish Fury of 1576 or the Habsburg Monarchy after its catastrophic defeat at White Mountain in 1620.


In Kulkarni’s expert hands, Rakshasbhuvan becomes a restoration of Maratha nerve and the re-establishment of deterrence along the Deccan hinge. Just as the Habsburg Monarchy recovered from near-collapse at the hands of the Ottomans, or the Dutch built a republic from the wreckage of Spanish repression, so too did the Marathas revive from the ashes of Panipat.


Like a young William Pitt steering Britain through the Seven Years’ War, Kulkarni’s Madhavrao grasped that states survive not by the glory of one battle but by the patience of many ledgers.


For anyone who cares about how states survive shocks, and how leaders craft authority from defeat, ‘The Mastery of Hindustan’ is an exemplar of the historian’s craft that is compulsively readable at the same time.


The shadow of Panipat hangs heavy over the narrative. In 1761 the Maratha confederacy was the pre-eminent power of the subcontinent, stretching from the Sutlej in Punjab to the fringes of Tamil country. Its defeat at Panipat at the hands of Ahmed Shah Durrani, however, shattered that dominance. Confidence in leadership eroded as a result while ominously, fissures within the Maratha polity widened.


It was a catastrophe comparable to the opening disasters for the Protestant cause in the Thirty Years’ War (1618-48) when Swedish, Bohemian and Dutch hopes seemed destined for eclipse under Habsburg steel.


What marks Kulkarni’s histories is the sheer depth of his immersion in the period. He writes like a surgeon-historian - with a steady hand, a keen eye and prose free of ostentation as he effortlessly decodes the tangled skein of 18th century Indian politics through its turbulent course in the Deccan, Bengal and the north.


Through letters, ledger entries, Persian akhbarats, Marathi bakhars and observations from British residencies,’ Kulkarni tracks armies and intrigues across half a continent with the patience of a cartographer.


His incredible research binds the written record to the lived landscape of the period, recalling the texture of great works like Sir Charles Oman’s The Peninsular War - attentive to the mud of the battlefield and the fog of decision, but never drowning the reader in minutiae.


The Maratha Confederacy was not a coherent empire but a loose federation of powerful families - the Holkars, the Scindias, the Gaekwads, the Bhonsales - each jealous of its prerogatives. Like the Holy Roman Empire, it was an unwieldy assemblage where centripetal forces constantly threatened cohesion. As Kulkarni shows, the fact that this polity held together in the 1760s and 1770s owed much to Madhavrao’s capacity to command and his immense courage.


That Madhavrao was obliged to govern with his uncle - the terminally erratic Raghunathrao - gives the narrative added tension. The other theatre in which Kulkarni excels is Mysore and the tangled intricacies of the ‘Deep South.’ Hyder Ali, that self-made general of cavalry and statecraft, had built a machine that ate revenue and territory with equal appetite. Between late 1764 and 1767, Madhavrao marched south repeatedly, humbling Hyder.


Dr. Kulkarni demonstrates that Madhavrao’s true distinction lay in suturing a fractured polity and restoring credibility to Maratha arms at a moment when their prestige was in tatters. It was a daunting feat reminiscent of similar statesmen-surgeons of Europe (albeit in different epochs and vastly different circumstances), like Richelieu who re-knit a France torn by sectarian strife or William of Orange, who held together a fragile Dutch Republic against overwhelming odds.


By marshalling letters, diaries and orders, Kulkarni allows his dramatis personae - adventurers, administrators, generals, courtiers - to speak for themselves. In doing so, he subtly rebuts a lazy assumption common in narratives leaning heavily on Company records that 18th-century Indian polities were nothing more than ‘military-fiscal states,’ surviving by the sword until Europeans supposedly taught them the pen.


Madhavrao’s centralising energies were inseparable from the politics of personality. When tuberculosis carried Madhavrao off at 27 in 1772, the polity shuddered.


Kulkarni’s definitive study makes clear that had he lived longer, the Marathas might have consolidated their mastery of India before the English East India Company rose to dominance. Madhavrao’s premature death - like that of Prince Henry Frederick of Wales (who died at 18 in 1612) whose early death dashed hopes of strong Stuart leadership and altered the fate of England - left a vacuum that others struggled to fill.


Dr. Kulkarni’s book is a joy to behold. Unlike most Indian works of history today, ‘The Mastery of Hindustan’ bears the unmistakable stamp of an author who has not only written but conceptualised and designed his project down to its smallest detail (as he has with all his works). Kulkarni has trekked every single fortress and battlefields he describes - Miraj, Channarayana Durga, Patthargarh - walking in the footsteps of armies who marched there two and a half centuries ago. He has collected rare images, hunted down unpublished documents (the casualty roll from the Battle of Moti Talao) and excavated forgotten bakhars with the care of an archivist and the imagination of a storyteller.


In this sense, he distinctly belongs to an older lineage of Indian historians like Jadunath Sarkar and Govind Sakharam Sardesai, who undertook arduous journeys in pursuit of their craft.


Extensive fieldwork as a habit has all but disappeared from Indian historical writing in the last several decades given the dominance of armchair Marxist historians. Yet in the West, the tradition forms a fundamental part of historical writing – be it the popular works of Peter Hopkirk, or that of brilliantly accessible classicists like Mary Beard, or Andrew Roberts, who traversed every site while researching his biography of Napoleon.


Likewise, for Dr. Kulkarni, who has almost single-handedly revitalised Maratha historiography of the Peshwa era for a new generation, history lives in the landscapes he describes, in the cracks of old ramparts and in the brittle pages of overlooked reports he has marshalled with such assiduity. It is this tactile engagement with his subject that makes his work not merely a chronicle of events but a reconstruction of a lost world.


His magnificent account reminds us that for a brief span, under a young Peshwa, India’s destiny might have been shaped not in London but in Pune.


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