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By:

Rajendra Pandharpure

15 April 2025 at 7:55:54 pm

The BJP’s Ganesha Gambit

Pune’s Ganeshotsav has become an enormous civic and political stage, and the ruling party has proved adept at occupying it. Pune: The city’s Ganeshotsav is entering its final phase, but the festival has already demonstrated something beyond its extraordinary crowds and familiar spectacle: the extent to which it has become a political stage. This year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has left a particularly visible imprint on the festivities, using an event that reaches deep into the city’s...

The BJP’s Ganesha Gambit

Pune’s Ganeshotsav has become an enormous civic and political stage, and the ruling party has proved adept at occupying it. Pune: The city’s Ganeshotsav is entering its final phase, but the festival has already demonstrated something beyond its extraordinary crowds and familiar spectacle: the extent to which it has become a political stage. This year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has left a particularly visible imprint on the festivities, using an event that reaches deep into the city’s neighbourhoods as an opportunity for public outreach. The political appropriation of the festival has not, however, been without a counter-current. Demands were raised for curbs on noise pollution, loudspeakers and the volume of dhol-tasha performances. The argument was not against Ganeshotsav itself, but for moderation - notably, a complete ban on DJ music and limits on the number of dhol and tasha instruments used by performing troupes. Familiar Troubles The festival’s reality has been rather different. Major roads have been occupied by mandaps. Processions celebrating the arrival of Lord Ganesha have unfolded amid punishing noise. DJ music, while subject to restrictions, has continued. Traffic congestion has become a familiar feature of the festival, with the movement of political leaders adding another layer to the city’s already strained roads. The Peth areas have remained crowded deep into the night. The Shrimant Dagdusheth Halwai Ganpati temple has drawn enormous crowds for darshan from the opening day. From the old city to housing societies and neighbourhood mandals, Ganeshotsav touches virtually every part of Pune. For a political party seeking a direct connection with citizens, few occasions offer such a ready-made network of people, institutions and local influencers. The BJP enters this festival with an unusually formidable organisational base. It has two MPs, seven MLAs and more than 100 corporators in Pune. Murlidhar Mohol, one of the city’s MPs, is a Union Minister of State. Chandrakant Patil is a Cabinet minister in the Maharashtra government, while Madhuri Misal is a Minister of State. The party’s presence also extends into the festival’s organisational architecture. Its influence is visible across numerous mandals, large and small. BJP MLA Hemant Rasane is General Secretary of the Shrimant Dagdusheth Halwai Sarvajanik Ganpati Trust. Kunal Tilak, a member of Lokmanya Tilak’s family, is a BJP corporator. The political and cultural histories of Pune therefore intersect in ways that are difficult to ignore. The BJP’s senior leadership has also made the most of the occasion. National President Nitin Nabin visited Pune to seek Lord Ganesha’s blessings, while Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis visited the city before and during the festival. Such visits are about more than religious observance. In a festival watched by millions and embedded in the city’s social life, political visibility comes almost automatically. There is also talk in Pune that the BJP provided substantial financial support to Dhol-Lezim troupes and their organisers, with claims that some major mandals received financial backing as well. These claims would require independent verification, but the perception itself points to the depth of the political contest around Ganeshotsav. BJP workers, according to local observers, have also sought to make their presence more conspicuous than that of festivities organised by housing societies. Useful Expedient The festival arrives at a politically useful moment for the BJP. The party has faced disquiet on several fronts. Young people have been agitated over the paper-leak controversy. Broader public dissatisfaction has been voiced over inflation and unemployment, while government policies relating to ethanol and charges associated with UPI transactions have also generated criticism. While a political party can defend a policy in a press conference and advertise its achievements, during Ganeshotsav, its workers can be physically present in neighbourhoods, among processions, mandals, cultural groups and devotees. Politics thus becomes less about argument and more about visibility. That is the BJP’s advantage in Pune. Ganeshotsav, after all, is not simply a sequence of religious rituals. It is an elaborate civic network involving local organisers, volunteers, cultural groups, businesses, residents and political representatives. Whoever has influence over that network acquires a powerful channel of communication with the city. The BJP appears to understand this particularly well. Its strength in Pune’s electoral politics has been reinforced by a presence that extends beyond elections and into the institutions and social spaces that organise public life. The irony is that the very scale of the festival that makes it politically attractive also magnifies the civic costs. The political value of Ganeshotsav and the civic burden it creates are therefore two sides of the same phenomenon. For Pune, the larger question is not whether politics has entered Ganeshotsav. It has done so for decades. The more consequential question is whether the festival’s extraordinary social capital will remain primarily a vehicle for political outreach or whether the same influence can be used to reconcile celebration with the ordinary civic needs of the city. For the moment, the BJP seems to have understood the first proposition better than most.

Fuel Shock

Correspondent
May 26
2 min read

The latest increase in petrol and diesel prices — the fourth hike in just 11 days — underlines how vulnerable India remains to geopolitical turmoil and its own unfinished reforms in the energy sector.


Brent crude surged again after fresh American military strikes in southern Iran deepened fears of the renewal of the Iran conflict on a higher scale. Markets are now gripped by uncertainty as hopes of a negotiated settlement continue to fade. For a country like India, which imports more than 80 percent of its crude oil requirements, every geopolitical tremor in the Gulf quickly translates into pain at the fuel pump.


Since May 15, petrol and diesel prices have risen cumulatively by nearly Rs. 7.5 per litre. In Hyderabad and Thiruvananthapuram, petrol has crossed Rs. 115 a litre. Mumbai, Kolkata, Bengaluru and Chennai are all witnessing sharp increases. Even Delhi, traditionally cushioned by relatively lower taxes, has seen petrol move beyond Rs. 102 per litre.


This marks a significant shift after nearly four years of relative stability in retail fuel prices. For long periods, state-run oil marketing companies absorbed the burden of elevated crude prices, shrinking refining margins and a weakening rupee. Political considerations, particularly around elections, often delayed price revisions. The Rs. 2 per litre reduction announced ahead of the 2024 national elections was a reminder that fuel pricing in India has never been entirely divorced from politics.


But oil companies cannot indefinitely absorb mounting losses, especially when global crude prices remain elevated. The Centre has already cut excise duties, with Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman estimating the revenue sacrifice at nearly Rs. 1 lakh crore. That fiscal cushion has now largely been exhausted.


The spotlight is therefore shifting towards states. VAT on fuel remains one of the most lucrative revenue streams for state governments, with some states imposing levies exceeding 30 percent through taxes and cess components. This explains why states such as Telangana, Kerala and West Bengal continue to record some of the highest retail fuel prices in the country.


The Centre is now subtly nudging states to reduce VAT rates to soften the blow on consumers. Yet states are reluctant. Their dependence on fuel taxes is structural, not incidental. Apart from excise on liquor, few revenue sources offer such steady and politically manageable returns. Bringing petrol and diesel under the GST framework continues to face bipartisan resistance from states fearful of losing fiscal autonomy.


Rising fuel prices do not remain confined to petrol stations. They seep into every layer of the economy as transportation costs rise, food inflation accelerates and household budgets shrink. Small businesses, already coping with weak consumption and high borrowing costs, are facing renewed pressure.


India’s recurring vulnerability to crude oil shocks exposes the limits of its energy security architecture. Expansion of strategic petroleum reserves and greater investment in renewable energy can no longer remain aspirational talking points. They must become urgent national priorities.

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