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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Gen Z revolt leaves Modi govt scrambling

Mumbai: The recent CJP agitation at Jantar Mantar, amplified by a ferocious wave of social media backlash, has achieved what years of fragmented opposition politics could not: it has visibly shaken the highest echelons of the Narendra Modi government. For the first time in over a decade, the seemingly impenetrable fortress managed by Prime Minister Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah appears vulnerable. Driven by a Gen Z demographic that refuses to play by traditional political rules, the...

Gen Z revolt leaves Modi govt scrambling

Mumbai: The recent CJP agitation at Jantar Mantar, amplified by a ferocious wave of social media backlash, has achieved what years of fragmented opposition politics could not: it has visibly shaken the highest echelons of the Narendra Modi government. For the first time in over a decade, the seemingly impenetrable fortress managed by Prime Minister Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah appears vulnerable. Driven by a Gen Z demographic that refuses to play by traditional political rules, the movement has made the ruling dispensation’s meticulously crafted narrative look starkly outdated. The scale and intensity of the public unrest have triggered alarm bells, prompting the government to take unprecedented corrective measures. In a remarkable departure from its usual top-down approach, the Union government has officially deputed Officers on Special Duty (OSDs) to execute a massive ground-level feedback-gathering exercise. Insiders reveal that this crisis management strategy operates on multiple tiers. The government is actively seeking counsel from technology experts and content analysts to decipher exactly what went wrong and to understand the strategic advantages of the digital content generated by CJP supporters. These grassroots digital campaigns brought about a drastic, organic shift in public expression that caught the administration entirely off guard. Furthermore, officials are engaging in candid dialogues with independent, well-meaning individuals tasked with holding a mirror to the administration's failures. Professionals entrusted with coordinating these meetings admit the outcome remains uncertain, but the sheer scale of outreach marks a watershed moment for a government usually insulated from external critique. The political vacuum created by this unrest has been masterfully exploited by the opposition. Capitalizing on the opening created by the CJP protests and climate activist Sonam Wangchuk, Rahul Gandhi has seized the political advantage. By deploying an emotional narrative—particularly regarding the use of pellet guns—Gandhi has effectively targeted Amit Shah, leaving the Prime Minister cornered. The optics in Parliament have been equally jarring for the ruling party. For the first time in twelve years, fumbling, elderly figures within the BJP found themselves outmatched by the scathing, articulate assaults from Rahul and Priyanka Gandhi. Armed with quick wit, finesse, and an undeniable superiority in content, the Congress leadership is dictating the terms of the debate, forcing the BJP onto the defensive. This sudden vulnerability has blown the lid off simmering discontent within the ruling party. Insiders are now openly arguing that the hyper-centralization of power by Modi and Shah is fundamentally flawed. The strategy of installing dependent "yes-men"—leaders who shine merely in borrowed light—in key state positions is backfiring spectacularly. While this iron-fisted strategy yields dividends during favourable times, the current crisis proves that an artificially sustained leadership cannot withstand a genuine storm. Many within the party lament the sidelining of softer, grassroots-connected leaders like Shivraj Singh Chouhan. A leader of Chouhan's calibre, possessing natural empathy and a deep understanding of the masses, could have offered a sympathetic and appealing rebuttal, contrasting sharply with the shallow, dry rhetoric currently being peddled by the party's younger, yet out-of-touch, defenders. The immediate consensus is that the party desperately needs to replace its aging heavyweights with articulate voices who can genuinely connect with an evolving electorate. Perhaps the most shocking revelation from the fallout is the catastrophic failure of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh's (RSS) legendary feedback and feed-forward mechanism. For decades, the RSS has served as the eyes and ears of BJP governments, but this time, the machinery completely failed to gauge the scale of the impending unrest. According to senior insiders, the root cause lies in a deep-seated rot within the RSS itself. As the organization celebrates its centenary year, it is grappling with an internal crisis. Unlike previous BJP regimes where the political arm bore the exclusive brunt of corruption allegations, the malaise has now reportedly crept into the highest echelons of the RSS leadership. This unprecedented internal decay has severed the organization's vital connection to the ground, leaving the BJP flying blind during a crucial socio-political upheaval.Despite the prevailing anxiety within the corridors of power, the newly initiated feedback-gathering exercise is being hailed as a much-needed course correction by veteran leaders within both the party and the RSS. Long-sidelined stalwarts view this desperate measure as a vindication of their long-held grievances against the centralized high command. While the designated OSDs and professionals remain cautiously optimistic about the immediate impact of their data-gathering, these old-guard insiders sense a rare opportunity. They believe that confronting the unvarnished truth from the ground might finally force a complete and necessary overhaul of the Parivar organizations, dismantling the fragile, sycophantic structures currently in place and returning the party to its grassroots origins.

HC allows student to give exam

Mumbai: The Bombay High Court recently intervened in the attendance issue of the Indian Law Society's College Pune after the petitioner, Nisarga Khanderao, a student of the college filed a case against the institute. She was not allowed to appear for the examination because of the low percentage of attendance. The student had 53 per cent attendance and the college’s rule of minimum percent was 50. Khanderao’s per centage of attendance surpassed the minimum per centage of attendance decided by the college for its students. 

 

The case was filed against the institution by the student and the Bombay High Court passed the judgement in her favour, allowing her to give the exam. The judgment was passed on May 18 and the exam was on May 19. The student who was also the petitioner was in the Five-Year B.B.A. LL.B. course and the exam was conducted by the college. 

 

The ILS College counsel S. S. Kanetkar opposed the petitioner saying that the student had approached the HC belatedly, particularly when the action was taken on April 20 and the examinations were already underway. However, it is brought to notice that the court, by orders dated May 4 in a Writ Petition and connected matters, permitted similarly situated students to appear for the examinations, subject to the outcome of the petitions, taking into consideration that their attendance was above 50 per cent.

 

The bench of Justice Sandesh Patil and Gautam Ankhad said in their orders that the petitioner also claims to satisfy the minimum threshold of 50 per cent attendance. “We are prima facie of the view that limited interim protection deserves to be granted so as to avoid irreversible academic prejudice at this stage,” the bench said.

 

The student was permitted to appear for the remaining examinations. However, such permission shall be purely provisional and is subject to the final outcome of the present writ petition.

 

“The student’s name was listed in the defaulter’s list. We had challenged that decision,” said her lawyer Uday Warunjikar.

 

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