top of page

By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Fadnavis hero of BJP's victory

Mumbai: In a resounding testament to his strategic prowess, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis has emerged as the architect of the BJP’s impressive election victory in the state. The way he orchestrated the campaign, crafted his message, and selected candidates has left observers and allies alike hailing his mastery of the political landscape. Even as the Municipal Council results unfolded, most of the political analysts were reminded of the Mahayuti’s resounding victory during the assembly...

Fadnavis hero of BJP's victory

Mumbai: In a resounding testament to his strategic prowess, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis has emerged as the architect of the BJP’s impressive election victory in the state. The way he orchestrated the campaign, crafted his message, and selected candidates has left observers and allies alike hailing his mastery of the political landscape. Even as the Municipal Council results unfolded, most of the political analysts were reminded of the Mahayuti’s resounding victory during the assembly elections last year. While Fadnavis played crucial role even in those elections, the credit for those results was given primarily to the then Chief Minister Eknath Shinde, under whole leadership the Mahayuti had contested the election. However, Fadnavis, who took the charge of the state last year after the assembly elections, successfully demonstrated that even after a year in the saddle, he has been able to not just keep the popularity of the Mahayuti intact, but has actually increased it. Fadnavis’ strategy was built on a delicate balance of people-centric initiatives, social pragmatism, and a keen understanding of the state’s complex political dynamics. His relentless focus on development, coupled with a sharp eye on social arithmetic, helped the BJP connect with voters across demographics. Grassroot Workers Yet another decisive factor that worked in favour of Fadnavis was the positive reinforcement that he provided to the grassroot workers of the BJP in particular and Mahayuti constituents in general. These elections of Nagar Palika and Nagar Panchayats are considered to be the elections driven entirely by the grassroot political workers. Through is tiring campaign trail Fadnavis assured these grassroot workers that he would stand by their side and for them in their testing times. “Grassroot workers are the real nerves for any political party. Fadnavis not just reached out to people for them, but also presented the grand vision of developemnt for their respective areas, making the victory easy for them. When juxtaposed with leaders like Sharad Pawar, Supriya Sule, Uddhav Thackeray and Raj Thackeray, who didn’t even address a single rally for these elections, the importance of Fadnavis’ efforts from the point of view of grassroot workers emerges taller,” said one of the senior officials of CMO, while highlighting the difference between Fadnavis and the opposition leaders, who, in his opinion left the grassroot workers of their respective parties alone to fight for themselves. Stark Contrast State BJP president Ravindra Chavan highlighted the stark contrast between Fadnavis and his opponents. Fadnavis, who addressed over 50 large rallies to campaign for these elections, never criticized any of the opposition leaders. His single minded focus was on the development agenda that he has set for the state and explaining to people as to how he has been advancing it. He reached out to people over phone and through the internet to places where it was impossible for him to reach due to time constraints. Even in those short interactions he could convince the people that he is well aware of their issues and aspirations and he also assured them of solutions to their problems. On the contrary the opposition leaders tried to spread a false narrative against him. Social Fabric Apart from Fadnavis’ ability to strike a chord with the masses through his rallies, Fadnavis also demonstrated his grasp of the state’s social fabric by ensuring representation to various communities in the candidate selection process. The BJP’s list of candidates was a testament to his ability to balance competing interests and create a diverse yet cohesive team. Fadnavis’ leadership style, often described as decisive and inclusive, has earned him recognition as one of the BJP’s most effective leaders in the state. His ability to navigate complex political situations, including the split in the Shiv Sena and the alliance with Eknath Shinde, showcased his strategic acumen. As the BJP’s star campaigner, Fadnavis cramped the opposition’s style by projecting himself as a leader above narrow politics. His emphasis on good governance, transparency, and accountability resonated with urban voters, who are increasingly looking for leaders who can deliver results. The results are a testament to Fadnavis’ ability to connect with the people and his party’s commitment to serving them. As he looks to the future, the onus is on him to deliver on his promises and take Maharashtra to new heights.

How Soviet Spy Fiction Turned Espionage into a Moral Education

The habits of mind formed by Soviet spy fiction still inform Vladimir Putin’s Russia.


17 Moments of Spring (1973)
17 Moments of Spring (1973)

Russian President Vladimir Putin’s recent visit to India was a deliberate cock of the snook at the West, a display of sovereign choice and strategic autonomy by two powers resisting Washington’s overbearing claims through hushed diplomacy.


Such moments of statecraft trigger memories of the films and television series that once defined espionage for a generation of Russians, shaping ideas of loyalty, cunning and duty. For Russia’s ruling generation, the art of power was learned not just in halls of diplomacy, but in tales of spies and secret missions. And few cultural forms mattered more to that education than Soviet espionage fiction and television serials that turned living rooms into veritable classrooms of clandestine war.


Instruction Manuals

Putin is a product of a particular Soviet formation wherein spy stories were not escapism but instruction manuals. In these narratives, espionage was neither glamorous nor morally corrosive but a disciplined calling.

The Shield and The Sword (1968)
The Shield and The Sword (1968)

“Even before I graduated from school, I wanted to work in intelligence,” said Putin in his 2000 autobiography ‘First Person’ while crediting books and spy movies like ‘The Sword and the Shield’ (1968) for leading him to join the KGB. That inheritance also explains why the afterlife of another classic espionage novel and its filmed miniseries - ‘Seventeen Moments of Spring’ (1973) - still looms so large in the Russian imagination. 


Vladimir Putin
Vladimir Putin

‘The Sword and the Shield’ (‘Shchit i mech’), based on Vadim Kozhevnikov’s novel, was among the most influential spy films ever produced in the Soviet Union. Set in 1940 with Nazi Germany at the height of its power, it follows Alexander Belov, a Soviet agent who infiltrates the German military-intelligence apparatus and the SS. Belov travels from Soviet-held Latvia into the Reich under an assumed identity, armed with his ability to speak fluent German, his psychological acuity and his bureaucratic mastery to climb the ladders of the Abwehr and later the Sicherheitsdienst (or the Nazi Security Service called the SD).


Throughout his dangerous odyssey, Belov prevails not through daring escapes but through patience and strategic intelligence.


The film’s impact bordered on the mythic, ostensibly inspiring a teenage Putin to walk into the local KGB office in Leningrad in order to enlist. He was told to return after university and he did. Like Belov, Putin would later become fluent in German and serve as a KGB officer in East Berlin, witnessing the fall of the Wall in 1989 and the symbolic unravelling of Soviet power in Europe.


The title of the book and the film itself carry ideological freight as the sword and shield was the emblem of the NKVD, the KGB’s predecessor. Decades later, the phrase would resurface in a different register when the doyen of intelligence historians, Christopher Andrew together with Vasili Mitrokhin, the KGB archivist who defected to the West in 1992, titled their massive exposé of Soviet espionage in the two-volume ‘The Mitrokhin Archive.’


Foundational Instinct

From Felix Dzerzhinsky’s Cheka (the KGB’s forerunner), forged amid civil war, famine and foreign intervention after the Bolshevik seizure of power, intelligence occupied a central place in Soviet self-understanding. The survival of the new regime depended on anticipation, penetration and control. Espionage was not a specialised craft but a foundational instinct of the Soviet state.


That instinct matured under Stalin and his successors into a worldview in which intelligence became diplomacy by other means. The Soviet Union, poorer and technologically behind its capitalist rival, invested instead in ideological penetration.


The signal triumphs of Soviet espionage seemed to vindicate this creed. The ‘Cambridge Five’ spy ring embedded themselves at the heart of Britain’s establishment while Klaus Fuchs and Theodore Hall penetrated the Manhattan Project, collapsing America’s nuclear monopoly years ahead of schedule.


Soviet spy fiction absorbed this lesson whole. Unlike the cynical anti-heroes of Western spy fiction, Soviet protagonists were depicted as highly motivated, patriotic and not rebelling against institutions – never mind the dark ground reality of the Soviet state that produced legendary ‘rebels’ like Oleg Gordievsky and Adolf Tolkachev.


The tradition of noble spy protagonists who would use any amount of guile and ruthlessness in service of the Russian fatherland reached its apex in 1973, when ‘Seventeen Moments of Spring’ (Semnadtsat Mgnoveniy Vesny) - a 12-episode adaptation of writer Yulian Semyonov’s novel (which was known as ‘The Himmler Ploy’ in the West) - was broadcast on Soviet television.


Set in the final days of the Second World War in the West, it follows the improbable plot of Colonel Maksim Maksimovich Isayev  - essayed memorably by actor Vyacheslav Tikhonov - operating deep within the Nazi security apparatus (something quite impossible in real life) under the cover name of Standartenführer Max Otto von Stierlitz.


Isayev receives a coded radio message from Moscow instructing him to disrupt secret talks between Nazi officials and Western allies aimed at negotiating a separate peace that would exclude the Soviet Union. The mission, the narrator intones, is essential to the future peace of Europe. However, suspicion around Stierlitz tightens, and thus begins a race against time with the audience left to guess whether or not our hero’s cover will be blown.


What distinguished ‘Seventeen Moments of Spring’ was its philosophical seriousness, marked by a distinctly Russian understanding of power. Like Solzhenitsyn’s ‘In the First Circle,’ it portrayed authority as a system that traps even those who serve it. Directed by Tatyana Lioznova, ’17 moments’ became an exercise in moral endurance rather than physical daring. Scenes stretch on in silence while mental calculation replaces dialogue. Stierlitz’s heroism lies not in dominance but in restraint.


This set it apart sharply from Western spy fiction. While Ian Fleming’s James Bond is a violent flamboyant fantasy, the ‘realism’ in Western fiction often treats intelligence as a moral infection.  John le Carré’s George Smiley inhabits a world of institutional rot and ethical compromise and Len Deighton’s Bernard Samson and Harry Palmer (the unnamed spy in the novels) navigate espionage as class resentment and bureaucratic fatigue.


Films like ‘The Spy who came in from the Cold,’ ‘The Ipcress File,’ ‘The Quiller Memorandum,’ ‘The Kremlin Letter’ and ‘Three Days of the Condor’ depict intelligence agencies as paranoid machines that devour their own servants.


Soviet espionage fiction moved in the opposite direction. Where Western spies worry whether the state deserves loyalty, Soviet spies worry only whether they themselves are worthy of it. The enemy plots abroad, often ‘behind Moscow’s back’ and the agent’s task is to protect it from betrayal.


Polls suggested more than 80 per cent of households watched ‘Seventeen Moments’ as its lines became famous while Stierlitz’ (as played by Tikhonov) mannerisms were mimicked by legions – including, some would say, by Putin himself. Even today, Russians quote Stierlitz with affectionate irony. Mikael Tariverdiev’s wonderfully melancholic score articulated loneliness, sacrifice and the burden of concealment.


Commissioned under the aegis of KGB chief Yuri Andropov, the series sought to recast Soviet intelligence as morally superior, efficient and humane. The supreme irony naturally being that while Gestapo interrogators are portrayed as sadistic, the dreaded Soviet services employed similar methods.


If one were to discern the ‘subversive’ in ‘Seventeen Moments of Spring,’ it is not because it challenges Soviet power directly, but because it depicts power itself as claustrophobic. The Nazi state it anatomises is a tyranny of files, corridors and whispered suspicion. In fact, this vision inevitably resembled life in the U.S.S.R. In portraying one totalitarian system with such forensic calm, the series seemed to be inviting viewers to recognise the psychological architecture of its own.


A 1999 Kommersant poll found Russians rated Stierlitz highest among fictional characters for leadership qualities, especially honesty. Commentators have long noted the uncanny similarity between Vyacheslav Tikhonov’s performance and Putin’s own manner.


Of course, no Soviet agent penetrated the SS so deeply. And yet, myths matter. As Putin navigates a world he believes has repeatedly acted ‘behind Russia’s back,’ Stierlitz’s mission to stop a Western deal excluding Moscow feels uncannily contemporary. Soviet spy fiction did not simply reflect history but trained its citizens as a way of seeing it. 

Comments


bottom of page