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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

India's multi-align diplomacy triumphs

New Delhi: West Asia has transformed into a battlefield rained by fireballs. Seas or land, everywhere echoes the roar of cataclysmic explosions, flickering flames, and swirling smoke clouds. et amid such adversity, Indian ships boldly waving the Tricolour navigate the strait undeterred, entering the Arabian Sea. More remarkably, Iran has sealed its airspace to global flights but opened it for the safe evacuation of Indians.   This scene evokes Prime Minister Narendra Modi's memorable 2014...

India's multi-align diplomacy triumphs

New Delhi: West Asia has transformed into a battlefield rained by fireballs. Seas or land, everywhere echoes the roar of cataclysmic explosions, flickering flames, and swirling smoke clouds. et amid such adversity, Indian ships boldly waving the Tricolour navigate the strait undeterred, entering the Arabian Sea. More remarkably, Iran has sealed its airspace to global flights but opened it for the safe evacuation of Indians.   This scene evokes Prime Minister Narendra Modi's memorable 2014 interview. He stated that "there was a time when we counted waves from the shore; now the time has come to take the helm and plunge into the ocean ourselves."   In a world racing toward conflict, Modi has proven India's foreign policy ranks among the world's finest. Guided by 'Nation First' and prioritising Indian safety and interests, it steadfastly embodies  'Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam' , the world as one family.   Policy Shines Modi's foreign policy shines with such clarity and patience that even as war flames engulf West Asian nations, Indians studying and working there return home safe. In just 13 days, nearly 100,000 were evacuated from Gulf war zones, mostly by air, some via Armenia by road. PM Modi talked with Iran's President Masoud Pezeshkian to secure Iran's airspace for the safe evacuation of Indians, a privilege denied to any other nation. Additionally, clearance was granted for Indian ships carrying crude oil and LPG to pass safely through the Hormuz Strait. No other country's vessels are navigating these waters, except for those of Iran's ally, China. The same strategy worked in the Ukraine-Russia war: talks with both presidents ensured safe corridors, repatriating over 23,000 students and businessmen. Iran, Israel, or America, all know India deems terrorism or war unjustifiable at any cost. PM Modi amplified anti-terror campaigns from UN to global platforms, earning open support from many nations.   Global Powerhouse Bolstered by robust foreign policy and economic foresight, India emerges as a global powerhouse, undeterred by tariff hurdles. Modi's adept diplomacy yields notable successes. Contrast this with Nehru's era: wedded to Non-Aligned Movement, he watched NAM member China seize vast Ladakh territory in war. Today, Modi's government signals clearly, India honors friends, spares no foes. Abandoning non-alignment, it embraces multi-alignment: respecting sovereignties while prioritizing human welfare and progress. The world shifts from unipolar or bipolar to multipolar dynamics.   Modi's policy hallmark is that India seal defense deals like the S-400 and others with Russia yet sustains US friendship. America bestows Legion of Merit; Russia, its highest civilian honor, Order of St. Andrew the Apostle. India nurtures ties with Israel, Palestine, Iran via bilateral talks. Saudi Arabia stands shoulder-to-shoulder across fronts; UAE trade exceeds $80 billion. UN's top environment award, UNEP Champions of the Earth, graces India, unlike past when foreign nations campaigned against us on ecological pretexts.   This policy's triumph roots in economic empowerment. India now ranks the world's fourth-largest economy, poised for third in 1-2 years. The 2000s dubbed it 'fragile'; then-PM economist Dr. Manmohan Singh led. Yet  'Modinomics'  prevailed. As COVID crippled supply chains, recession loomed, inflation soared and growth plunged in developed countries,  Modinomics  made India the 'bright star.' Inflation stayed controlled, growth above 6.2 per cent. IMF Chief Economist Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas praised it, advising the world to learn from India.

How Soviet Spy Fiction Turned Espionage into a Moral Education

The habits of mind formed by Soviet spy fiction still inform Vladimir Putin’s Russia.


17 Moments of Spring (1973)
17 Moments of Spring (1973)

Russian President Vladimir Putin’s recent visit to India was a deliberate cock of the snook at the West, a display of sovereign choice and strategic autonomy by two powers resisting Washington’s overbearing claims through hushed diplomacy.


Such moments of statecraft trigger memories of the films and television series that once defined espionage for a generation of Russians, shaping ideas of loyalty, cunning and duty. For Russia’s ruling generation, the art of power was learned not just in halls of diplomacy, but in tales of spies and secret missions. And few cultural forms mattered more to that education than Soviet espionage fiction and television serials that turned living rooms into veritable classrooms of clandestine war.


Instruction Manuals

Putin is a product of a particular Soviet formation wherein spy stories were not escapism but instruction manuals. In these narratives, espionage was neither glamorous nor morally corrosive but a disciplined calling.

The Shield and The Sword (1968)
The Shield and The Sword (1968)

“Even before I graduated from school, I wanted to work in intelligence,” said Putin in his 2000 autobiography ‘First Person’ while crediting books and spy movies like ‘The Sword and the Shield’ (1968) for leading him to join the KGB. That inheritance also explains why the afterlife of another classic espionage novel and its filmed miniseries - ‘Seventeen Moments of Spring’ (1973) - still looms so large in the Russian imagination. 


Vladimir Putin
Vladimir Putin

‘The Sword and the Shield’ (‘Shchit i mech’), based on Vadim Kozhevnikov’s novel, was among the most influential spy films ever produced in the Soviet Union. Set in 1940 with Nazi Germany at the height of its power, it follows Alexander Belov, a Soviet agent who infiltrates the German military-intelligence apparatus and the SS. Belov travels from Soviet-held Latvia into the Reich under an assumed identity, armed with his ability to speak fluent German, his psychological acuity and his bureaucratic mastery to climb the ladders of the Abwehr and later the Sicherheitsdienst (or the Nazi Security Service called the SD).


Throughout his dangerous odyssey, Belov prevails not through daring escapes but through patience and strategic intelligence.


The film’s impact bordered on the mythic, ostensibly inspiring a teenage Putin to walk into the local KGB office in Leningrad in order to enlist. He was told to return after university and he did. Like Belov, Putin would later become fluent in German and serve as a KGB officer in East Berlin, witnessing the fall of the Wall in 1989 and the symbolic unravelling of Soviet power in Europe.


The title of the book and the film itself carry ideological freight as the sword and shield was the emblem of the NKVD, the KGB’s predecessor. Decades later, the phrase would resurface in a different register when the doyen of intelligence historians, Christopher Andrew together with Vasili Mitrokhin, the KGB archivist who defected to the West in 1992, titled their massive exposé of Soviet espionage in the two-volume ‘The Mitrokhin Archive.’


Foundational Instinct

From Felix Dzerzhinsky’s Cheka (the KGB’s forerunner), forged amid civil war, famine and foreign intervention after the Bolshevik seizure of power, intelligence occupied a central place in Soviet self-understanding. The survival of the new regime depended on anticipation, penetration and control. Espionage was not a specialised craft but a foundational instinct of the Soviet state.


That instinct matured under Stalin and his successors into a worldview in which intelligence became diplomacy by other means. The Soviet Union, poorer and technologically behind its capitalist rival, invested instead in ideological penetration.


The signal triumphs of Soviet espionage seemed to vindicate this creed. The ‘Cambridge Five’ spy ring embedded themselves at the heart of Britain’s establishment while Klaus Fuchs and Theodore Hall penetrated the Manhattan Project, collapsing America’s nuclear monopoly years ahead of schedule.


Soviet spy fiction absorbed this lesson whole. Unlike the cynical anti-heroes of Western spy fiction, Soviet protagonists were depicted as highly motivated, patriotic and not rebelling against institutions – never mind the dark ground reality of the Soviet state that produced legendary ‘rebels’ like Oleg Gordievsky and Adolf Tolkachev.


The tradition of noble spy protagonists who would use any amount of guile and ruthlessness in service of the Russian fatherland reached its apex in 1973, when ‘Seventeen Moments of Spring’ (Semnadtsat Mgnoveniy Vesny) - a 12-episode adaptation of writer Yulian Semyonov’s novel (which was known as ‘The Himmler Ploy’ in the West) - was broadcast on Soviet television.


Set in the final days of the Second World War in the West, it follows the improbable plot of Colonel Maksim Maksimovich Isayev  - essayed memorably by actor Vyacheslav Tikhonov - operating deep within the Nazi security apparatus (something quite impossible in real life) under the cover name of Standartenführer Max Otto von Stierlitz.


Isayev receives a coded radio message from Moscow instructing him to disrupt secret talks between Nazi officials and Western allies aimed at negotiating a separate peace that would exclude the Soviet Union. The mission, the narrator intones, is essential to the future peace of Europe. However, suspicion around Stierlitz tightens, and thus begins a race against time with the audience left to guess whether or not our hero’s cover will be blown.


What distinguished ‘Seventeen Moments of Spring’ was its philosophical seriousness, marked by a distinctly Russian understanding of power. Like Solzhenitsyn’s ‘In the First Circle,’ it portrayed authority as a system that traps even those who serve it. Directed by Tatyana Lioznova, ’17 moments’ became an exercise in moral endurance rather than physical daring. Scenes stretch on in silence while mental calculation replaces dialogue. Stierlitz’s heroism lies not in dominance but in restraint.


This set it apart sharply from Western spy fiction. While Ian Fleming’s James Bond is a violent flamboyant fantasy, the ‘realism’ in Western fiction often treats intelligence as a moral infection.  John le Carré’s George Smiley inhabits a world of institutional rot and ethical compromise and Len Deighton’s Bernard Samson and Harry Palmer (the unnamed spy in the novels) navigate espionage as class resentment and bureaucratic fatigue.


Films like ‘The Spy who came in from the Cold,’ ‘The Ipcress File,’ ‘The Quiller Memorandum,’ ‘The Kremlin Letter’ and ‘Three Days of the Condor’ depict intelligence agencies as paranoid machines that devour their own servants.


Soviet espionage fiction moved in the opposite direction. Where Western spies worry whether the state deserves loyalty, Soviet spies worry only whether they themselves are worthy of it. The enemy plots abroad, often ‘behind Moscow’s back’ and the agent’s task is to protect it from betrayal.


Polls suggested more than 80 per cent of households watched ‘Seventeen Moments’ as its lines became famous while Stierlitz’ (as played by Tikhonov) mannerisms were mimicked by legions – including, some would say, by Putin himself. Even today, Russians quote Stierlitz with affectionate irony. Mikael Tariverdiev’s wonderfully melancholic score articulated loneliness, sacrifice and the burden of concealment.


Commissioned under the aegis of KGB chief Yuri Andropov, the series sought to recast Soviet intelligence as morally superior, efficient and humane. The supreme irony naturally being that while Gestapo interrogators are portrayed as sadistic, the dreaded Soviet services employed similar methods.


If one were to discern the ‘subversive’ in ‘Seventeen Moments of Spring,’ it is not because it challenges Soviet power directly, but because it depicts power itself as claustrophobic. The Nazi state it anatomises is a tyranny of files, corridors and whispered suspicion. In fact, this vision inevitably resembled life in the U.S.S.R. In portraying one totalitarian system with such forensic calm, the series seemed to be inviting viewers to recognise the psychological architecture of its own.


A 1999 Kommersant poll found Russians rated Stierlitz highest among fictional characters for leadership qualities, especially honesty. Commentators have long noted the uncanny similarity between Vyacheslav Tikhonov’s performance and Putin’s own manner.


Of course, no Soviet agent penetrated the SS so deeply. And yet, myths matter. As Putin navigates a world he believes has repeatedly acted ‘behind Russia’s back,’ Stierlitz’s mission to stop a Western deal excluding Moscow feels uncannily contemporary. Soviet spy fiction did not simply reflect history but trained its citizens as a way of seeing it. 

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