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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Raj Thackeray seeks ‘accountability’

Mumbai: Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s call for “austerity” triggered a blistering political broadside from Maharashtra Navnirman Sena chief Raj Thackeray, who accused the Centre of hypocrisy, economic mismanagement, reckless political extravagance and attempting to shift the burden of its failures onto ordinary citizens. In a scathing statement, Raj questioned the moral authority of the PM to preach sacrifices to the country while the ruling establishment indulges in lavish political...

Raj Thackeray seeks ‘accountability’

Mumbai: Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s call for “austerity” triggered a blistering political broadside from Maharashtra Navnirman Sena chief Raj Thackeray, who accused the Centre of hypocrisy, economic mismanagement, reckless political extravagance and attempting to shift the burden of its failures onto ordinary citizens. In a scathing statement, Raj questioned the moral authority of the PM to preach sacrifices to the country while the ruling establishment indulges in lavish political roadshows, massive convoys, flower-shower spectacles, expensive election campaigns across the country and high-profile foreign trips. On the PM’s recent multi-pronged appeal asking Indians to slash gold purchases and fuel consumption, avoid foreign travel, adopt electric vehicles or adopt Work From Home, Raj said the government was willy-nilly readying the country for an impending economic crisis but refusing to accept the blame for creating it. “Will you acknowledge that a mistake was made by you, apologise for it, and pledge that henceforth, neither you nor anyone else will engage in such conduct? Why should the public be made to carry the financial load for your blunders?” demanded Raj sharply. Sudden Warnings The MNS chief argued that high crude oil prices cannot be blamed for the present economic distress, as there were many precedents in the recent past when global crude rates hovered in the $90-$100 / barrel range. He listed the scenario witnessed during the 2008 recession, the Arab Spring (2011-2012), again in 2013-2014, and finally when the OPEC cut production (2022-2023) to buttress his contentions. However, in those crises, neither ex-PM Manmohan Singh nor Modi himself issued such austerity appeals, and wondered “why such warnings were suddenly being sounded now” for the country. He demanded answers over the high fuel prices in India owing to taxes, and alleged that even when crude oil prices had plummeted to $ 60-$ 65, petrol and diesel were sold at exorbitant rates to Indians. “Lakhs of crores of rupees were collected from people - where did that money go? What happened to it?” Raj asked bluntly, in what is viewed as his fiercest attack on the government till date. Dual Face Targeting the Bharatiya Janata Party’s ‘dual standards’, Raj accused it of ridiculing ‘Revdi culture’ publicly while simultaneously doling out massive freebies during Assembly elections in West Bengal, Bihar and Maharashtra to lure voters. “The ‘Ladki Bahin’ before the Maharashtra 2024 Assembly elections has brought the state economy on the verge of collapse. Rather than truly empowering women, they were given meagre sums of money which was again clawed back through high inflation. If the state and national economies are in such a dire condition, will the PM now firmly declare a ban on all such politically motivated freebies,” asked Raj. He slammed the BJP for wasting enormous quantities of fuel during the recent poll campaigns in four states to ferry crowds for mega-rallies, but citizens are now being advised to sacrifice their fuel consumption. Hike in Offing Raj said with WFH and EV appeals, if the government was mentally preparing the people for another steep hike in fuel prices, the masses would anyway be compelled to reduce consumption as they can no longer afford it. He said it is time to admit that while the Indian economy is outwardly robust, inwardly fragile, the government should not exploit the Iran-Israel-US war as a convenient scapegoat to divert attention. “In your tenure, the Indian Rupee (INR) was devalued significantly, why? In the past 10 years, three different RBI Governors have quit, what was the reason, tell the nation. Ex-RBI Governor and then PM Manmohan Singh, himself a renowned economist, held serious discussions with financial experts and heeded them. We have heard all your ‘Mann Ki Baat’, now you should listen to the genuine economic masters and the masses,” Raj exhorted. Calling upon the PM to convene a Parliament special session to inform the country on the real state of the economy and concrete measures to tackle the challenges, Raj reminded the government that “we are not your enemies, but asking questions is our duty.” NCP (SP) gallops to austerity A political protest by the Nationalist Congress Party (SP) against the government’s austerity drive, became something of a traffic-stopper in Thane. Discarding air-conditioned SUVs or sedans, NCP (SP) General Secretary Dr Jitendra Awhad came astride a snow-white horse, while some other party leaders trailed on a horse-drawn ‘tanga’ and a ‘bail-gadi’ (bullock cart), raising anti-government slogans. “This is what we will come to soon… The economic crises will worsen in the coming days. We may be forced to gallop to Mantralaya or other places on horses and in carts. The government’s reverse development model will take us 2000-years back,” warned Dr. Awhad, as the afternoon traffic halted and hundreds crowded for a glimpse of the mini-procession. Patting his mount, he predicted a massive hike in fuel prices and other essentials, commuting on beasts of burden, or worse. Even if people shifted to animal transport, he wondered how they would feed their four-legged creatures with minimal resources. A party worker carried a placard proclaiming: “Next Budget: One Horse Per Family Scheme”, as some pedestrians wondered if the authorities would introduce exclusive ‘bullock cart or horse-tanga lanes” on the roads, or whether FASTag would be compulsory for these creatures. Pawar demands all-party meet Amid a nationwide furore over the Centre’s austerity appeals and concerns over global economic stability, Nationalist Congress Party (SP) President Sharad Pawar urged Prime Minister Narendra Modi to convene an all-party meeting to discuss the country’s economy and evolving international challenges. Pawar said that the PM’s recent announcements - made in view of the ‘unstable and warlike situation’ in the Middle East - could have ‘far-reaching consequences’ on the Indian economy and has already triggered anxiety among ordinary citizens, industry stakeholders and investors alike. “The sudden nature of these announcements has created an atmosphere of unease among the common people, the industry-business sector as well as investors. This situation is certainly a cause for concern,” Pawar said. The NCP (SP) supremo’s appeal came against the backdrop of rising tensions owing to the Middle-East war, fears of escalating crude oil prices, the volatility in global markets coupled with Modi’s call urging citizens' restraint by embracing austerity measures. The PM’s wide-ranging appeal includes reducing fuel consumption, slashing gold purchases for a year, avoiding foreign travel, opting for electric vehicles and adopting Work From Home – triggering a nation-wide debate since the past two days. The NCP (SP) supremo emphasised that the gravity of the prevailing international situation called for a more ‘consultative and inclusive approach’ from the Bharatiya Janata Party government to build a consensus on economic and policy responses. “Given the current international situation, the central government must prioritize greater sensitivity and broad consultations. Considering the seriousness of this issue, the PM should take the lead to call an all-party meeting as involving leaders from all political parties in the decision-making process on matters of national interest is extremely essential for the welfare of the country,” urged Pawar. Besides the political consultations, the ex-union minister exhorted the PM for urgent engagement with economists, industrialists and domain experts to thoroughly review and assess the potential fallout of international developments on India’s economy. Such a comprehensive discussion on future economic policies was crucially required to reassure the public and restore investor confidence. “Building confidence and stability among the people of the country should be the government’s topmost priority in the current circumstances. This is our firm stand,” Pawar asserted.

How Soviet Spy Fiction Turned Espionage into a Moral Education

The habits of mind formed by Soviet spy fiction still inform Vladimir Putin’s Russia.


17 Moments of Spring (1973)
17 Moments of Spring (1973)

Russian President Vladimir Putin’s recent visit to India was a deliberate cock of the snook at the West, a display of sovereign choice and strategic autonomy by two powers resisting Washington’s overbearing claims through hushed diplomacy.


Such moments of statecraft trigger memories of the films and television series that once defined espionage for a generation of Russians, shaping ideas of loyalty, cunning and duty. For Russia’s ruling generation, the art of power was learned not just in halls of diplomacy, but in tales of spies and secret missions. And few cultural forms mattered more to that education than Soviet espionage fiction and television serials that turned living rooms into veritable classrooms of clandestine war.


Instruction Manuals

Putin is a product of a particular Soviet formation wherein spy stories were not escapism but instruction manuals. In these narratives, espionage was neither glamorous nor morally corrosive but a disciplined calling.

The Shield and The Sword (1968)
The Shield and The Sword (1968)

“Even before I graduated from school, I wanted to work in intelligence,” said Putin in his 2000 autobiography ‘First Person’ while crediting books and spy movies like ‘The Sword and the Shield’ (1968) for leading him to join the KGB. That inheritance also explains why the afterlife of another classic espionage novel and its filmed miniseries - ‘Seventeen Moments of Spring’ (1973) - still looms so large in the Russian imagination. 


Vladimir Putin
Vladimir Putin

‘The Sword and the Shield’ (‘Shchit i mech’), based on Vadim Kozhevnikov’s novel, was among the most influential spy films ever produced in the Soviet Union. Set in 1940 with Nazi Germany at the height of its power, it follows Alexander Belov, a Soviet agent who infiltrates the German military-intelligence apparatus and the SS. Belov travels from Soviet-held Latvia into the Reich under an assumed identity, armed with his ability to speak fluent German, his psychological acuity and his bureaucratic mastery to climb the ladders of the Abwehr and later the Sicherheitsdienst (or the Nazi Security Service called the SD).


Throughout his dangerous odyssey, Belov prevails not through daring escapes but through patience and strategic intelligence.


The film’s impact bordered on the mythic, ostensibly inspiring a teenage Putin to walk into the local KGB office in Leningrad in order to enlist. He was told to return after university and he did. Like Belov, Putin would later become fluent in German and serve as a KGB officer in East Berlin, witnessing the fall of the Wall in 1989 and the symbolic unravelling of Soviet power in Europe.


The title of the book and the film itself carry ideological freight as the sword and shield was the emblem of the NKVD, the KGB’s predecessor. Decades later, the phrase would resurface in a different register when the doyen of intelligence historians, Christopher Andrew together with Vasili Mitrokhin, the KGB archivist who defected to the West in 1992, titled their massive exposé of Soviet espionage in the two-volume ‘The Mitrokhin Archive.’


Foundational Instinct

From Felix Dzerzhinsky’s Cheka (the KGB’s forerunner), forged amid civil war, famine and foreign intervention after the Bolshevik seizure of power, intelligence occupied a central place in Soviet self-understanding. The survival of the new regime depended on anticipation, penetration and control. Espionage was not a specialised craft but a foundational instinct of the Soviet state.


That instinct matured under Stalin and his successors into a worldview in which intelligence became diplomacy by other means. The Soviet Union, poorer and technologically behind its capitalist rival, invested instead in ideological penetration.


The signal triumphs of Soviet espionage seemed to vindicate this creed. The ‘Cambridge Five’ spy ring embedded themselves at the heart of Britain’s establishment while Klaus Fuchs and Theodore Hall penetrated the Manhattan Project, collapsing America’s nuclear monopoly years ahead of schedule.


Soviet spy fiction absorbed this lesson whole. Unlike the cynical anti-heroes of Western spy fiction, Soviet protagonists were depicted as highly motivated, patriotic and not rebelling against institutions – never mind the dark ground reality of the Soviet state that produced legendary ‘rebels’ like Oleg Gordievsky and Adolf Tolkachev.


The tradition of noble spy protagonists who would use any amount of guile and ruthlessness in service of the Russian fatherland reached its apex in 1973, when ‘Seventeen Moments of Spring’ (Semnadtsat Mgnoveniy Vesny) - a 12-episode adaptation of writer Yulian Semyonov’s novel (which was known as ‘The Himmler Ploy’ in the West) - was broadcast on Soviet television.


Set in the final days of the Second World War in the West, it follows the improbable plot of Colonel Maksim Maksimovich Isayev  - essayed memorably by actor Vyacheslav Tikhonov - operating deep within the Nazi security apparatus (something quite impossible in real life) under the cover name of Standartenführer Max Otto von Stierlitz.


Isayev receives a coded radio message from Moscow instructing him to disrupt secret talks between Nazi officials and Western allies aimed at negotiating a separate peace that would exclude the Soviet Union. The mission, the narrator intones, is essential to the future peace of Europe. However, suspicion around Stierlitz tightens, and thus begins a race against time with the audience left to guess whether or not our hero’s cover will be blown.


What distinguished ‘Seventeen Moments of Spring’ was its philosophical seriousness, marked by a distinctly Russian understanding of power. Like Solzhenitsyn’s ‘In the First Circle,’ it portrayed authority as a system that traps even those who serve it. Directed by Tatyana Lioznova, ’17 moments’ became an exercise in moral endurance rather than physical daring. Scenes stretch on in silence while mental calculation replaces dialogue. Stierlitz’s heroism lies not in dominance but in restraint.


This set it apart sharply from Western spy fiction. While Ian Fleming’s James Bond is a violent flamboyant fantasy, the ‘realism’ in Western fiction often treats intelligence as a moral infection.  John le Carré’s George Smiley inhabits a world of institutional rot and ethical compromise and Len Deighton’s Bernard Samson and Harry Palmer (the unnamed spy in the novels) navigate espionage as class resentment and bureaucratic fatigue.


Films like ‘The Spy who came in from the Cold,’ ‘The Ipcress File,’ ‘The Quiller Memorandum,’ ‘The Kremlin Letter’ and ‘Three Days of the Condor’ depict intelligence agencies as paranoid machines that devour their own servants.


Soviet espionage fiction moved in the opposite direction. Where Western spies worry whether the state deserves loyalty, Soviet spies worry only whether they themselves are worthy of it. The enemy plots abroad, often ‘behind Moscow’s back’ and the agent’s task is to protect it from betrayal.


Polls suggested more than 80 per cent of households watched ‘Seventeen Moments’ as its lines became famous while Stierlitz’ (as played by Tikhonov) mannerisms were mimicked by legions – including, some would say, by Putin himself. Even today, Russians quote Stierlitz with affectionate irony. Mikael Tariverdiev’s wonderfully melancholic score articulated loneliness, sacrifice and the burden of concealment.


Commissioned under the aegis of KGB chief Yuri Andropov, the series sought to recast Soviet intelligence as morally superior, efficient and humane. The supreme irony naturally being that while Gestapo interrogators are portrayed as sadistic, the dreaded Soviet services employed similar methods.


If one were to discern the ‘subversive’ in ‘Seventeen Moments of Spring,’ it is not because it challenges Soviet power directly, but because it depicts power itself as claustrophobic. The Nazi state it anatomises is a tyranny of files, corridors and whispered suspicion. In fact, this vision inevitably resembled life in the U.S.S.R. In portraying one totalitarian system with such forensic calm, the series seemed to be inviting viewers to recognise the psychological architecture of its own.


A 1999 Kommersant poll found Russians rated Stierlitz highest among fictional characters for leadership qualities, especially honesty. Commentators have long noted the uncanny similarity between Vyacheslav Tikhonov’s performance and Putin’s own manner.


Of course, no Soviet agent penetrated the SS so deeply. And yet, myths matter. As Putin navigates a world he believes has repeatedly acted ‘behind Russia’s back,’ Stierlitz’s mission to stop a Western deal excluding Moscow feels uncannily contemporary. Soviet spy fiction did not simply reflect history but trained its citizens as a way of seeing it. 

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