The BJP’s Ganesha Gambit

Pune’s Ganeshotsav has become an enormous civic and political stage, and the ruling party has proved adept at occupying it. Pune: The city’s Ganeshotsav is entering its final phase, but the festival has already demonstrated something beyond its extraordinary crowds and familiar spectacle: the extent to which it has become a political stage. This year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has left a particularly visible imprint on the festivities, using an event that reaches deep into the city’s...

min read

Pune’s Ganeshotsav has become an enormous civic and political stage, and the ruling party has proved adept at occupying it. Pune: The city’s Ganeshotsav is entering its final phase, but the festival has already demonstrated something beyond its extraordinary crowds and familiar spectacle: the extent to which it has become a political stage. This year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has left a particularly visible imprint on the festivities, using an event that reaches deep into the city’s neighbourhoods as an opportunity for public outreach. The political appropriation of the festival has not, however, been without a counter-current. Demands were raised for curbs on noise pollution, loudspeakers and the volume of dhol-tasha performances. The argument was not against Ganeshotsav itself, but for moderation - notably, a complete ban on DJ music and limits on the number of dhol and tasha instruments used by performing troupes. Familiar Troubles The festival’s reality has been rather different. Major roads have been occupied by mandaps. Processions celebrating the arrival of Lord Ganesha have unfolded amid punishing noise. DJ music, while subject to restrictions, has continued. Traffic congestion has become a familiar feature of the festival, with the movement of political leaders adding another layer to the city’s already strained roads. The Peth areas have remained crowded deep into the night. The Shrimant Dagdusheth Halwai Ganpati temple has drawn enormous crowds for darshan from the opening day. From the old city to housing societies and neighbourhood mandals, Ganeshotsav touches virtually every part of Pune. For a political party seeking a direct connection with citizens, few occasions offer such a ready-made network of people, institutions and local influencers. The BJP enters this festival with an unusually formidable organisational base. It has two MPs, seven MLAs and more than 100 corporators in Pune. Murlidhar Mohol, one of the city’s MPs, is a Union Minister of State. Chandrakant Patil is a Cabinet minister in the Maharashtra government, while Madhuri Misal is a Minister of State. The party’s presence also extends into the festival’s organisational architecture. Its influence is visible across numerous mandals, large and small. BJP MLA Hemant Rasane is General Secretary of the Shrimant Dagdusheth Halwai Sarvajanik Ganpati Trust. Kunal Tilak, a member of Lokmanya Tilak’s family, is a BJP corporator. The political and cultural histories of Pune therefore intersect in ways that are difficult to ignore. The BJP’s senior leadership has also made the most of the occasion. National President Nitin Nabin visited Pune to seek Lord Ganesha’s blessings, while Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis visited the city before and during the festival. Such visits are about more than religious observance. In a festival watched by millions and embedded in the city’s social life, political visibility comes almost automatically. There is also talk in Pune that the BJP provided substantial financial support to Dhol-Lezim troupes and their organisers, with claims that some major mandals received financial backing as well. These claims would require independent verification, but the perception itself points to the depth of the political contest around Ganeshotsav. BJP workers, according to local observers, have also sought to make their presence more conspicuous than that of festivities organised by housing societies. Useful Expedient The festival arrives at a politically useful moment for the BJP. The party has faced disquiet on several fronts. Young people have been agitated over the paper-leak controversy. Broader public dissatisfaction has been voiced over inflation and unemployment, while government policies relating to ethanol and charges associated with UPI transactions have also generated criticism. While a political party can defend a policy in a press conference and advertise its achievements, during Ganeshotsav, its workers can be physically present in neighbourhoods, among processions, mandals, cultural groups and devotees. Politics thus becomes less about argument and more about visibility. That is the BJP’s advantage in Pune. Ganeshotsav, after all, is not simply a sequence of religious rituals. It is an elaborate civic network involving local organisers, volunteers, cultural groups, businesses, residents and political representatives. Whoever has influence over that network acquires a powerful channel of communication with the city. The BJP appears to understand this particularly well. Its strength in Pune’s electoral politics has been reinforced by a presence that extends beyond elections and into the institutions and social spaces that organise public life. The irony is that the very scale of the festival that makes it politically attractive also magnifies the civic costs. The political value of Ganeshotsav and the civic burden it creates are therefore two sides of the same phenomenon. For Pune, the larger question is not whether politics has entered Ganeshotsav. It has done so for decades. The more consequential question is whether the festival’s extraordinary social capital will remain primarily a vehicle for political outreach or whether the same influence can be used to reconcile celebration with the ordinary civic needs of the city. For the moment, the BJP seems to have understood the first proposition better than most.

How Soviet Spy Fiction Turned Espionage into a Moral Education

Shoumojit Banerjee

Dec 22, 2025

5 min read

The habits of mind formed by Soviet spy fiction still inform Vladimir Putin’s Russia.

Russian President Vladimir Putin’s recent visit to India was a deliberate cock of the snook at the West, a display of sovereign choice and strategic autonomy by two powers resisting Washington’s overbearing claims through hushed diplomacy.

Such moments of statecraft trigger memories of the films and television series that once defined espionage for a generation of Russians, shaping ideas of loyalty, cunning and duty. For Russia’s ruling generation, the art of power was learned not just in halls of diplomacy, but in tales of spies and secret missions. And few cultural forms mattered more to that education than Soviet espionage fiction and television serials that turned living rooms into veritable classrooms of clandestine war.

Instruction Manuals

Putin is a product of a particular Soviet formation wherein spy stories were not escapism but instruction manuals. In these narratives, espionage was neither glamorous nor morally corrosive but a disciplined calling.

“Even before I graduated from school, I wanted to work in intelligence,” said Putin in his 2000 autobiography ‘First Person’ while crediting books and spy movies like ‘The Sword and the Shield’ (1968) for leading him to join the KGB. That inheritance also explains why the afterlife of another classic espionage novel and its filmed miniseries - ‘Seventeen Moments of Spring’ (1973) - still looms so large in the Russian imagination.

‘The Sword and the Shield’ (‘Shchit i mech’), based on Vadim Kozhevnikov’s novel, was among the most influential spy films ever produced in the Soviet Union. Set in 1940 with Nazi Germany at the height of its power, it follows Alexander Belov, a Soviet agent who infiltrates the German military-intelligence apparatus and the SS. Belov travels from Soviet-held Latvia into the Reich under an assumed identity, armed with his ability to speak fluent German, his psychological acuity and his bureaucratic mastery to climb the ladders of the Abwehr and later the Sicherheitsdienst (or the Nazi Security Service called the SD).

Throughout his dangerous odyssey, Belov prevails not through daring escapes but through patience and strategic intelligence.

The film’s impact bordered on the mythic, ostensibly inspiring a teenage Putin to walk into the local KGB office in Leningrad in order to enlist. He was told to return after university and he did. Like Belov, Putin would later become fluent in German and serve as a KGB officer in East Berlin, witnessing the fall of the Wall in 1989 and the symbolic unravelling of Soviet power in Europe.

The title of the book and the film itself carry ideological freight as the sword and shield was the emblem of the NKVD, the KGB’s predecessor. Decades later, the phrase would resurface in a different register when the doyen of intelligence historians, Christopher Andrew together with Vasili Mitrokhin, the KGB archivist who defected to the West in 1992, titled their massive exposé of Soviet espionage in the two-volume ‘The Mitrokhin Archive.’

Foundational Instinct

From Felix Dzerzhinsky’s Cheka (the KGB’s forerunner), forged amid civil war, famine and foreign intervention after the Bolshevik seizure of power, intelligence occupied a central place in Soviet self-understanding. The survival of the new regime depended on anticipation, penetration and control. Espionage was not a specialised craft but a foundational instinct of the Soviet state.

That instinct matured under Stalin and his successors into a worldview in which intelligence became diplomacy by other means. The Soviet Union, poorer and technologically behind its capitalist rival, invested instead in ideological penetration.

The signal triumphs of Soviet espionage seemed to vindicate this creed. The ‘Cambridge Five’ spy ring embedded themselves at the heart of Britain’s establishment while Klaus Fuchs and Theodore Hall penetrated the Manhattan Project, collapsing America’s nuclear monopoly years ahead of schedule.

Soviet spy fiction absorbed this lesson whole. Unlike the cynical anti-heroes of Western spy fiction, Soviet protagonists were depicted as highly motivated, patriotic and not rebelling against institutions – never mind the dark ground reality of the Soviet state that produced legendary ‘rebels’ like Oleg Gordievsky and Adolf Tolkachev.

The tradition of noble spy protagonists who would use any amount of guile and ruthlessness in service of the Russian fatherland reached its apex in 1973, when ‘Seventeen Moments of Spring’ (Semnadtsat Mgnoveniy Vesny) - a 12-episode adaptation of writer Yulian Semyonov’s novel (which was known as ‘The Himmler Ploy’ in the West) - was broadcast on Soviet television.

Set in the final days of the Second World War in the West, it follows the improbable plot of Colonel Maksim Maksimovich Isayev - essayed memorably by actor Vyacheslav Tikhonov - operating deep within the Nazi security apparatus (something quite impossible in real life) under the cover name of Standartenführer Max Otto von Stierlitz.

Isayev receives a coded radio message from Moscow instructing him to disrupt secret talks between Nazi officials and Western allies aimed at negotiating a separate peace that would exclude the Soviet Union. The mission, the narrator intones, is essential to the future peace of Europe. However, suspicion around Stierlitz tightens, and thus begins a race against time with the audience left to guess whether or not our hero’s cover will be blown.

What distinguished ‘Seventeen Moments of Spring’ was its philosophical seriousness, marked by a distinctly Russian understanding of power. Like Solzhenitsyn’s ‘In the First Circle,’ it portrayed authority as a system that traps even those who serve it. Directed by Tatyana Lioznova, ’17 moments’ became an exercise in moral endurance rather than physical daring. Scenes stretch on in silence while mental calculation replaces dialogue. Stierlitz’s heroism lies not in dominance but in restraint.

This set it apart sharply from Western spy fiction. While Ian Fleming’s James Bond is a violent flamboyant fantasy, the ‘realism’ in Western fiction often treats intelligence as a moral infection. John le Carré’s George Smiley inhabits a world of institutional rot and ethical compromise and Len Deighton’s Bernard Samson and Harry Palmer (the unnamed spy in the novels) navigate espionage as class resentment and bureaucratic fatigue.

Films like ‘The Spy who came in from the Cold,’ ‘The Ipcress File,’ ‘The Quiller Memorandum,’ ‘The Kremlin Letter’ and ‘Three Days of the Condor’ depict intelligence agencies as paranoid machines that devour their own servants.

Soviet espionage fiction moved in the opposite direction. Where Western spies worry whether the state deserves loyalty, Soviet spies worry only whether they themselves are worthy of it. The enemy plots abroad, often ‘behind Moscow’s back’ and the agent’s task is to protect it from betrayal.

Polls suggested more than 80 per cent of households watched ‘Seventeen Moments’ as its lines became famous while Stierlitz’ (as played by Tikhonov) mannerisms were mimicked by legions – including, some would say, by Putin himself. Even today, Russians quote Stierlitz with affectionate irony. Mikael Tariverdiev’s wonderfully melancholic score articulated loneliness, sacrifice and the burden of concealment.

Commissioned under the aegis of KGB chief Yuri Andropov, the series sought to recast Soviet intelligence as morally superior, efficient and humane. The supreme irony naturally being that while Gestapo interrogators are portrayed as sadistic, the dreaded Soviet services employed similar methods.

If one were to discern the ‘subversive’ in ‘Seventeen Moments of Spring,’ it is not because it challenges Soviet power directly, but because it depicts power itself as claustrophobic. The Nazi state it anatomises is a tyranny of files, corridors and whispered suspicion. In fact, this vision inevitably resembled life in the U.S.S.R. In portraying one totalitarian system with such forensic calm, the series seemed to be inviting viewers to recognise the psychological architecture of its own.

A 1999 Kommersant poll found Russians rated Stierlitz highest among fictional characters for leadership qualities, especially honesty. Commentators have long noted the uncanny similarity between Vyacheslav Tikhonov’s performance and Putin’s own manner.

Of course, no Soviet agent penetrated the SS so deeply. And yet, myths matter. As Putin navigates a world he believes has repeatedly acted ‘behind Russia’s back,’ Stierlitz’s mission to stop a Western deal excluding Moscow feels uncannily contemporary. Soviet spy fiction did not simply reflect history but trained its citizens as a way of seeing it.

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